Hinduism and Buddhism, An Historical Sketch Volume II Part 22

This story implies that he was ready to sanction any form of reputable wors.h.i.+p with a slight bias towards Vishnuism.[517] At the present day the Smartas, who consider themselves his followers, have a preference for the wors.h.i.+p of Siva. But the basis of their faith is not Sivaism but the recognition of the great body of Indian traditions known as Sm?riti. And that, next to Vedantism, was the essence of San?kara's teaching: he wished to regard tradition as a coherent whole, based on the eternal Veda but including authoritative Sm?riti to be interpreted in the light of the Veda, and thus he hoped to correct extravagant and partial views and to lead to those heights whence it is seen that all is one, "without difference."

The results of San?kara's labours may still be seen in the organization of southern Hinduism which is more complete than in the north. It is even said that the head of the Sringeri monastery in Mysore exercises an authority over Smarta Brahmans similar to that of the Pope.[518] This is probably an exaggeration but his decision is accepted as settling caste disputes, and even to-day the Sringeri mat?h[519] is one of the most important religious inst.i.tutions in India. The abbot, who is known as Jagadguru, is head of the Smarta Brahmans. The present occupant is said to be thirty-third in succession from San?kara and numbers among his predecessors Sayanacarya, the celebrated Vedic commentator who lived in the fourteenth century. The continued prosperity of this establishment and of other religious corporations in the Dravidian country, whereas the Mohammedans destroyed all monasteries whether Hindu or Buddhist in the north, is one of the reasons for certain differences in northern and southern Hinduism. For instance in northern India any Brahman, whatever his avocation may be, is allowed to perform religious ceremonies, whereas in the Deccan and south India Brahmans are divided into Laukikas or secular and Bhikshus or religious. The latter are householders, the name having lost its monastic sense, but they have the exclusive right of officiating and acting as Gurus and thus form a married clergy.

It is possible that the influence of San?kara may have had a puritanical side which partly accounts for the degeneration of later Indian art. His higher teaching inculcated a spiritual creed which needed no shrines, while for those who required rites he recommended the old Brahmanic ritual rather than the modern temple cultus. The result of this may have been that piety and learning were diverted from art, so that architecture and sculpture ceased to be in touch with the best religious intelligence.

The debt of San?kara to Buddhism is an interesting question. He indited polemics against it and contributed materially to its downfall, but yet if the success of creeds is to be measured by the permanence of ideas, there is some reason for thinking that the vanquished led the conqueror captive. San?kara's approval both in theory and in practice of the monastic life is Buddhistic rather than Brahmanical.[520] The doctrines of Maya and the distinction between higher and lower truth, which are of cardinal importance in his philosophy, receive only dubious support from the Upanishads and from Badarayan?a, but are practically identical with the teachings of the Madhyamika School of Buddhism and it was towards this line of thought rather than towards the theism of the Pasupatas or Bhagavatas that he was drawn. The affinity was recognized in India, for San?kara and his school were stigmatized by their opponents as Buddhists in disguise.[521]

2

The reader will perhaps have noticed that up to the career of San?kara we have been concerned exclusively with northern India, and even San?kara, though a native of the south, lived much in the north and it was the traditional sacred lore of the north which he desired to establish as orthodoxy. Not only the older literature, Brahmanic as well as Buddhist, but most of the Puran?as ignore the great stretch of Dravidian country which forms the southern portion of the peninsula and if the Ramayan?a sings of Rama's bridge and the conquest of Lan?ka this is clearly an excursion into the realms of fancy. Yet the Dravidian districts are ample in extent, their monuments are remarkable, their languages are cultivated, and Tamil literature possesses considerable interest, antiquity and originality.

Unfortunately in dealing with these countries we experience in an unusually acute form the difficulties which beset every attempt to trace the history of ideas in India, namely, the absence of chronology. Before 1000 A.D. materials for a connected history are hardly accessible. There are, however, many inscriptions and a ma.s.s of literature (itself of disputable date) containing historical allusions, and from these may be put together not so much a skeleton or framework as pictures of ancient life and thought which may be arranged in a plausible order.

It may be said that where everything is so vague, it would be better to dismiss the whole subject of southern India and its religion, pending the acquisition of more certain information, and this is what many writers have done. But such wide regions, so many centuries, such important phases of literature and thought are involved, that it is better to run the risk of presenting them in false sequence than to ignore them. Briefly it may be regarded as certain that in the early centuries of our era Buddhism, Jainism and Brahmanism all flourished in Dravidian lands. The first two gradually decayed and made way for the last, although Jainism remained powerful until the tenth century.

At a fairly early date there were influential Sivaite and Vishnuite sects, each with a devotional literature in the vernacular. Somewhat later this literature takes a more philosophic and ecclesiastical tinge and both sects produce a succession of teachers. Tamil Sivaism, though important for the south, has not spread much beyond its own province, but the Vishnuism a.s.sociated with such eminent names as Ramanuja and Ramanand has influenced all India, and the latter teacher is the spiritual ancestor of the Kabirpanthis, Sikhs and various unorthodox sects. Political circ.u.mstances too tended to increase the importance of the south in religion, for when nearly all the north was in Moslim hands the kingdom of Vijayanagar was for more than two centuries (_c._ 1330-1565) the bulwark of Hinduism. But in filling up this outline the possibilities of error must be remembered. The poems of Manikka-Vacagar have such individuality of thought and style that one would suppose them to mark a conspicuous religious movement. Yet some authorities refer them to the third century and others to the eleventh, nor has any standard been formulated for distinguis.h.i.+ng earlier and later varieties of Tamil.

I have already mentioned the view that the wors.h.i.+p of Siva and the Linga is Dravidian in origin and borrowed by the Aryans. There is no proof that this wors.h.i.+p had its first home in the south and spread northwards, for the Vedic and epic literature provides a sufficient pedigree for Siva. But this deity always collected round himself attributes and epithets which are not those of the Vedic G.o.ds but correspond with what we know of non-Aryan Indian mythology. It is possible that these un-Aryan cults attained in Dravidian lands fuller and more independent development than in the countries colonized by the Aryans, so that the portrait of Siva, especially as drawn by Tamil writers, does retain the features of some old Dravidian deity, a deity who dances, who sports among men and bewilders them by his puzzling disguises and transformations.[522] But it is not proved that Siva was the chief G.o.d of the early Tamils. An ancient poem, the Purra-Porul?

Ven?ba-Malai,[523] which contains hardly any allusions to him mentions as the princ.i.p.al objects of wors.h.i.+p the G.o.ddess Kot?t?avai (Victorious) and her son Muruvan. Popular legends[524] clearly indicate a former struggle between the old religion and Hinduism ending as usual in the recognition by the Brahmans of the ancient G.o.ds in a slightly modified form.

We have no records whatever of the introduction of Brahmanism into southern India but it may reasonably be supposed to have made its appearance there several centuries before our era, though in what form or with what strength we cannot say. Tradition credits Agastya and Parasu-rama with having established colonies of Brahmans in the south at undated but remote epochs. But whatever colonization occurred was not on a large scale. An inscription found in Mysore[525] states that Mukkan?n?a Kadamba (who probably lived in the third century A.D.) imported a number of Brahman families from the north, because he could find none in the south. Though this language may be exaggerated, it is evidence that Brahmans cannot have been numerous at that time and it is probable that Buddhism and Jainism were better represented. Three of Asoka's inscriptions have been found in Mysore and in his last edict describing his missionary efforts he includes "the kings of the Pandyas and Colas in the south" among the conquests of Buddhism.

Mahinda founded a monastery in the Tanjore district and probably established Buddhism at various points of the Tamil country on his way to Ceylon.[526] There is therefore no reason to be doubtful of Buddhist activity, literary or other, if evidence for it is forthcoming. Hsuan Chuang in 640 A.D. deplores the decay of Buddhism and speaks of the ruins of many old monasteries.

According to Jain tradition, which some think is supported by inscriptions at Sravana-Bel?gol?a,[527] Bhadrabahu accompanied by Candra Gupta (identified with the Maurya king of that name) led a migration of Jains from the north to Mysore about 300 B.C. The authenticity of this tradition has been much criticized but it can hardly be disputed that Jainism came to southern India about the same time as Buddhism and had there an equally vigorous and even longer existence.

Most Tamil scholars are agreed in referring the oldest Tamil literature to the first three centuries of our era and I see nothing improbable in this. We know that Asoka introduced Buddhism into south India. About the time of the Christian era there are many indications that it was a civilized country[528] which maintained commercial relations with Rome and it is reasonable to suppose that it had a literature. According to native tradition there were three successive Sanghams, or Academies, at Madura. The two earlier appear to be mythical, but the third has some historical basis, although it is probable that poems belonging to several centuries have been a.s.sociated with it. Among those which have been plausibly referred to the second century A.D. are the two narrative poems Silappadhikaram and Manimekhalai as well as the celebrated collection of didactic verses known as the Kural. The first two poems, especially the Manimekhalai, are Buddhist in tone. The Kural is ethical rather than religious, it hardly mentions the deity,[529] shows no interest in Brahmanic philosophy or ritual and extols a householder's life above an ascetic's. The Naladiyar is an anthology of somewhat similar Jain poems which as a collection is said to date from the eighth century, though verses in it may be older. This Jain and Buddhist literature does not appear to have attained any religious importance or to have been regarded as even quasi-canonical, but the Dravidian Hindus produced two large collections of sacred works, one Sivaite the other Vishnuite, which in popular esteem rival the sanct.i.ty of the Vedas.

Both consist of hymns, attributed to a succession of saints and still sung in the temple wors.h.i.+p, and in both sects the saints are followed by a series of teachers and philosophers. We will take the Sivaites first.

3

Their collection of hymns is known as Tirumurai, and was compiled by Nambi-Andar-Nambi said to have lived under King Rajaraja (_c._ 1000 A.D.). The first portion of it, known as Devaram, contains the hymns of Sambandha, Appar and Sundara. These persons are the most eminent of the sixty-three saints[530] of the southern Sivaites and are credited with many miracles. Tamil scholars[531] consider that Sambandha cannot have lived later than the beginning of the seventh century. He was an adversary of the Jains and Appar is said to have been persecuted by the Buddhists. Of the other works comprised in the Tirumurai the most important is the Tiruvacagam of Man?ikka-Vacagar,[532] one of the finest devotional poems which India can show. It is not, like the Bhagavad-gita, an exposition _by_ the deity, but an outpouring of the soul _to_ the deity. It only incidentally explains the poet's views: its main purpose is to tell of his emotions, experiences and aspirations. This characteristic seems not to be personal but to mark the whole school of Tamil Saiva writers.

This school, which is often called the Siddhanta,[533] though perhaps that term is better restricted to later philosophical writers, is clearly akin to the Pasupata but alike in thought, sentiment and ritual far more refined. It is in fact one of the most powerful and interesting forms which Hinduism has a.s.sumed and it has even attracted the sympathetic interest of Christians. The fervour of its utterances, the appeals to G.o.d as a loving father, seem due to the temperament of the Tamils, since such sentiments do not find so clear an expression in other parts of India. But still the whole system, though heated in the furnace of Dravidian emotion, has not been recast in a new mould.

Its dogmas are those common to Sivaism in other parts and it accepts as its ultimate authority the twenty-eight Saiva agamas. This however does not detract from the beauty of the special note and tone which sound in its Tamil hymns and prayers.

Whatever the teaching of the little known agamas may be, the Saiva-Siddhanta is closely allied to the Yoga and theistic forms of the Sankhya. It accepts the three ultimates, Pati the Lord, Pasu his flock or souls, and Pasa the fetter or matter. So high is the first of these three ent.i.ties exalted, so earnestly supplicated, that he seems to attain a position like that of Allah in Mohammedanism, as Creator and Disposer. But in spite of occasional phrases, the view of the Yoga that all three--G.o.d, souls and matter--are eternal is maintained.[534]

Between the world periods there are pauses of quiescence and at the end of these Siva evolves the universe and souls. That he may act in them he also evolves from himself his energy or Paracatti (Sk. Sakti).

But this does not prevent the G.o.d himself in a personal and often visible form from being for his devotees the one central and living reality. The Sakti, often called Uma, is merely Siva's reflex and hardly an independent existence.

The remarkable feature of this religion, best seen in the Tiruvacagam, is the personal tie which connects the soul with G.o.d. In no literature with which I am acquainted has the individual religious life--its struggles and dejection, its hopes and fears, its confidence and its triumph--received a delineation more frank and more profound. Despite the strangely exotic colouring of much in the picture, not only its outline but its details strikingly resemble the records of devout Christian lives in Europe. Siva is addressed not only as Lord but as Father. He loves and desires human souls. "Hard though it is for Brahma and Vishn?u to reach thee, yet thou did'st desire me." What the soul desires is deliverance from matter and life with Siva, and this he grants by bestowing grace (Arul). "With mother love he came in grace and made me his"; "O thou who art to thy true servants true"; "To thee, O Father, may I attain, may I yet dwell with thee."

Sometimes[535] the poet feels that his sins have shut him off from communion with G.o.d. He lies "like a worm in the midst of ants, gnawed by the senses and troubled sore" e.j.a.c.u.l.a.t.i.n.g. in utter misery "Thou hast forsaken me." But more often he seems on the point of expressing a thought commoner in Christianity than in Indian religion, namely that the troubles of this life are only a preparation for future beat.i.tude. The idea that matter and suffering are not altogether evil is found in the later Sankhya where Prakriti (which in some respects corresponds to Sakti) is represented as a generous female power working in the interests of the soul.

Among the many beauties of the Tiruvacagam is one which reminds us of the works of St. Francis and other Christian poetry, namely the love of nature and animals, especially birds and insects. There are constant allusions to plants and flowers; the refrain of one poem calls on a dragon fly to sing the praises of G.o.d and another bids the bird known as Kuyil call him to come. In another ode the poet says he looks for the grace of G.o.d like a patient heron watching night and day.

The first perusal of these poems impresses on the reader their resemblance to Christian literature. They seem to be a tropical version of Hymns Ancient and Modern and to ascribe to the deity and his wors.h.i.+ppers precisely those sentiments which missionaries tell us are wanting among pagans--fatherly love, yearning devotion and the bliss of a.s.sured salvation. It is not surprising if many have seen in this tone the result of Christian influence. Yet I do not think that the hypothesis is probable. For striking as is the likeness the contrast is often equally striking. The deity described in words which almost literally render "Sun of my soul, Thou Saviour dear" is also the spouse of Uma with the white b.r.e.a.s.t.s and curled locks; he dances in the halls of Tillai; and the line "Bid thou in grace my fears begone" is followed by two others indicated by dots as being "not translateable."[536] Nor can we say that emotional religion here uses the language of a mythology which it has outgrown. The emotion itself while charged with the love of G.o.d, the sense of sin and contrition, has in it another strain which jars on Europeans. Siva sports with the world and his wors.h.i.+ppers treat him with an affectionate intimacy which may be paralleled in the religion of Kr?ishn?a but hardly in Christianity.[537] Thus several hymns have reference to a game, such as tossing about a ball (hymn vii), battledore and shuttlec.o.c.k (xiv) or some form of wrestling in which the opponents place their hands on each other's shoulders (xv). The wors.h.i.+pper can even scold the deity.

"If thou forsake me, I will make people smile at thee. I shall abuse thee sore: madman clad in elephant skin: madman that ate the poison: madman, who chose even me as thy own."[538]

Again, though in part the tone of these poems is Christian, yet they contain little that suggests Christian doctrine. There is nothing about redemption or a suffering G.o.d,[539] and many ideas common to Christianity and Hinduism--such as the incarnation,[540] the Trinity, and the divine child and his mother--are absent. It is possible that in some of the later works of the Sittars Christian influence[541] may have supervened but most of this Tamil poetry is explicable as the development of the ideas expressed in the Bhagavad-gita and the Svetasvatara Upanishad. Chronologically Christian influence is not impossible and there is a tradition that Man?ikka-Vacagar reconverted to Hinduism some natives of Malabar who had become Christians[542] but the uncertainty of his date makes it hard to fix his place in the history of doctrine. Recent Hindu scholars are disposed to a.s.sign him to the second or third century.[543] In support of this, it is plausibly urged that he was an active adversary of the Buddhists, that tradition is unanimous in regarding him as earlier than the writers of the Devaram[544] who make references (not however indisputable) to his poem, and that Perisiriyar, who commented on it, lived about 700 A.D.

I confess that the tone and sentiments of the poem seem to me what one would expect in the eleventh rather than in the third century: it has something of the same emotional quality as the Gita-govinda and the Bhagavata-puran?a, though it differs from them in doctrine and in its more masculine devotion. But the Dravidians are not of the same race as the northern Hindus and since this ecstatic monotheism is clearly characteristic of their literature, it may have made its appearance in the south earlier than elsewhere.

The Tiruvacagam is not unorthodox but it deals direct with G.o.d and is somewhat heedless of priests. This feature becomes more noticeable in other authors such as Pat?t?an?at?t?u Pil?l?ai, Kapilar and the Telugu poet Vemana. The first named appears to have lived in the tenth century. The other two are legendary figures to whom anthologies of popular gnomic verses are ascribed and some of those attributed to Kapilar are probably ancient. In all this poetry there rings out a note of almost defiant monotheism, iconoclasm and antisacerdotalism.

It may be partly explained by the fact that in the south Brahmanism was preceded, or at least from early times accompanied, by Buddhism and Jainism. These creeds did not make a conquest, for the Dravidian temperament obviously needed a G.o.d who could receive and reward pa.s.sionate devotion, but they cleared the air and spread such ideas as the superiority of good deeds to rites and the uselessness of priests.

Even now verses expressing these thoughts are popular in the Madras Presidency, but the sect which produced them, known as the Sittars,[545] is entirely extinct. Caldwell attributes its literature to the seventeenth century, but the evidence available is small and it is clear that this theistic anti-brahmanic school had a long life. As in other cases, the Brahmans did not suppress so much as adapt it. The collection which goes by the name of Siva-vakyam contains poems of different ages and styles. Some are orthodox, others have no trace of Brahmanism except the use of Siva as the name of the deity. Yet it would seem that the anthology as a whole has not fallen under sacerdotal censure.[546]

The important sect of the Lingayats should perhaps be regarded as an offshoot of this anti-brahmanic school, but before describing it, it may be well briefly to review the history of orthodox Sivaism in the south.

By this phrase is not meant the sect or school which had the support of Sankara but that which developed out of the poems mentioned above without parting company with Brahmanism. Sankara disapproved of their doctrine that the Lord is the efficient cause of the world, nor would the subst.i.tution of vernacular for Sanskrit literature and temple ceremonies for Vedic sacrifices have found favour with him. But these were evidently strong tendencies in popular religion. An important portion of the Devaram and the Kanda Puran?a of Kachiyappar, a Tamil adaptation of the Skanda Puran?a, were probably written between 600 and 750 A.D.[547] About 1000 A.D. the Tirumurai (including the Devaram) was arranged as a collection in eleven parts, and about a century later Sekkilar composed the Periya Puran?a, a poetical hagiology, giving the legends of Sivaite saints and shrines. Many important temples were dedicated to Siva during the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

There followed a period of scholasticism in which the body of doctrine called the Saiva Siddhanta was elaborated by four acaryas, namely Mey-Kan?d?a-Devar[548] (1223), Arun?andi, Marainana-Sambandhar and Umapati (1313). It will thus be seen that the foundation of Sivaite philosophy in Tamil is later than Ramanuja and the first Vishnuite movements, and perhaps it was influenced by them but the methodical exposition of the Saiva-Siddhantam[549] does not differ materially from the more poetic utterances of the Tiruvacagam. It recognizes the three ent.i.ties, the Lord, the soul and matter as separate, but it shows a tendency (doubtless due to the influence of the Vedanta) both to explain away the existence of matter and to identify the soul with the Lord more closely than its original formulae allow. Matter is described as Maya and is potentially contained in the Lord who manifests it in the creative process which begins each kalpa. The Lord is also said to be one with our souls and yet other. The soul is by nature ignorant, in bondage to the illusion of Maya and of Karma, but by the grace of the Lord it attains to union (not ident.i.ty) with him, in which it sees that its actions are his actions.

In modern times Saiva theology is represented among Dravidians by the works of Sivananar (1785) and his disciple Kachiyappar: also by the poems of Rama-linga. Sivaism in Madras and other parts of southern India is still a vigorous and progressive Church which does not neglect European methods. Its princ.i.p.al organ is an interesting magazine called Siddhanta-Dipika or the Light of Truth. In northern India the Sivaites are less distinct as a body and have less organization, but temples to Siva are numerous and perhaps the majority of Brahmans and ascetics regard him as their special deity and read Sivaite rather than Vishnuite texts. But it is probably also true that they are not sectarian in the same sense as the wors.h.i.+ppers of Kr?ishn?a.

It is not easy to estimate the relative numbers of Sivaites and Vishnuites in south India, and good authorities hold opposite views.

The Sivaites are more united than the Vishnuites (whose many divisions and conspicuous sectarian marks attract attention) and are found chiefly among the upper cla.s.ses and among ascetics, but perhaps there is much truth in an opinion which I once heard expressed by a Tamil Brahman, that the real division is not between the wors.h.i.+ppers of Siva and of Vishn?u, but between Smartas, those who follow more or less strictly the ancient ritual observances and those who seek for salvation by devotion and in practice neglect the Sanskrit scriptures.

There is little hostility. The wors.h.i.+p of both G.o.ds is sometimes performed in the same building as at Chidambaram or in neighbouring shrines, as at Srirangam. In south Kanara and Travancore it is generally held that the two deities are of equal greatness and in many places are found images representing them united in one figure. But the great temples at Madura, Tinnevelly and Tanjore are all dedicated to Siva or members of his family. If in the philosophical literature of the Siddhanta the purity of the theism taught is noticeable, in these buildings it is rather the rich symbolism surrounding the G.o.d which attracts attention. In his company are wors.h.i.+pped Parvati, Gan?esa, Subrahman?ya, the bull Nandi and minor attendants: he is shown leaping in the ecstacy of the dance and on temple walls are often depicted his sixty-four sports or miracles (lila). For the imagination of the Dravidians he is a great rhythmic force, throbbing and exulting in all the works of nature and exhibiting in kindly playfulness a thousand antics and a thousand shapes.

4

Another school of Sivaite philosophy flourished in Kashmir[550] from the ninth century onwards and is not yet extinct among Pandits. It bases itself on the agamas and includes among them the still extant Siva-sutras said to have been discovered as revelation by Vasugupta.

He lived about 800 A.D. and abandoned Buddhism for Sivaism. The school produced a distinguished line of literary men who flourished from the ninth to the eleventh centuries.[551]

The most recent authorities state that the Kashmir school is one and that there is no real opposition between the Spanda and Pratyabhijna sections.[552] The word Spanda, equivalent to the G.o.dhead and ultimate reality, is interesting for it means vibration accompanied by consciousness or, so to speak, self-conscious ether. The term Pratyabhijna or recognition is more frequent in the later writings.

Its meaning is as follows. Siva is the only reality and the soul is Siva, but Maya[553] forces on the soul a continuous stream of sensations. By the practice of meditation it is possible to interrupt the stream and in those moments light illuminates the darkness of the soul and it recognizes that it is Siva, which it had forgotten. Also the world is wholly unreal apart from Siva. It exists by his will and in his mind. What seems to the soul to be cognition is really recognition, for the soul (which is identical with the divine mind but blinded and obstructed) recognizes that which exists only in the divine mind.

It has been held that Kashmirian Sivaism is the parent of the Dravidian Saiva Siddhanta and spread from Kashmir southwards by way of Kalyan in the eleventh century, and this hypothesis certainly receives support from the mention of Kashmiri Brahmans in south Indian inscriptions of the fourteenth century.[554] Yet I doubt if it is necessary to a.s.sume that south Indian Sivaism was _derived_ from Kashmir, for the wors.h.i.+p of Siva must have been general long before the eleventh century[555] and Kashmiri Brahmans, far from introducing Sivaism to the south, are more likely to have gone thither because they were sure of a good reception, whereas they were exposed to Moslim persecution in their own country. Also the forms which Sivaism a.s.sumed in these two outlying provinces present differences: in Kashmir it was chiefly philosophic, in the Dravidian countries chiefly religious. In the south it calls on G.o.d to help the sinner out of the mire, whereas the school of Kashmir, especially in its later developments, resembles the doctrine of Sankara, though its terminology is its own.

Before the advent of Islam, Kashmir was a secluded but cultured land.

Its pleasant climate and beautiful scenery, said to have been praised by Gotama himself,[556] attracted and stimulated thinkers and it had some importance in the history of Buddhism and of the Pancaratra as well as for Sivaism. It is connected with the Buddhist sect called Sarvastivadins and in this case the circ.u.mstances seem clear. The sect did not originate in Kashmir but its adherents settled there after attending the Council of Kanish?ka and made it into a holy land.

Subsequently, first Vishnuism and then Sivaism[557] entered the mountain valleys and flourished there. Kashmirian thinkers may have left an individual impress on either system but they dealt with questions which had already been treated of by others and their contributions, though interesting, do not seem to have touched the foundations of belief or to have inspired popular movements. The essential similarity of all Sivaite schools is so great that coincidences even in details do not prove descent or borrowing and the special terms of Kashmirian philosophy, such as _spanda_ and _pratyabhijna_, seem not to be used in the south.

The Siva-sutras consist of three sections, describing three methods of attaining _svacchanda_ or independence. One (the gist of which has been given above) displays some though not great originality: the second is Saktist, the third follows the ordinary prescriptions of the Yoga. All Sivaite philosophy is really based on this last and teaches the existence of matter, souls and a deity, manifested in a series of phases. The relations of these three ultimates are variously defined, and they may be identified with one another, for the Sankhya-Yoga doctrine may be combined (though not very consistently) with the teaching of the Vedanta. In Kashmirian Sivaism Vedantist influences seem strong and it even calls itself Advaita. It is noteworthy that Vasugupta, who _discovered_ the Siva-sutras, also wrote a commentary on the Bhagavad-gita.

The gist of the matter is that, since a taste for speculation is far more prevalent in India than in Europe, there exist many systems of popular philosophy which, being a mixture of religion and metaphysics, involve two mental att.i.tudes. The ordinary wors.h.i.+pper implores the Lord to deliver him from the bondage of sin and matter: the philosopher and saint wish to show that thought is one and such ideas as sin and matter partial and illusory. The originality of the Saiva Siddhanta lies less in its dogmas than in its devotional character: in the feeling that the soul is immersed in darkness and struggles upwards by the grace of the Lord, so that the whole process of Karma and Maya is really beneficent.

5

As already mentioned Sivaism has an important though unorthodox offshoot in the Lingayats[558] or Lingavants. It appears that they originated at Kalyan (now in the Nizam's dominions) at the time when a usurper named Bijjala (1156-1167) had seized the throne of the Chalukyas. Their founder was Basava (the vernacular form of Vrishabha) a.s.sisted by his nephew Channabasava,[559] whose exploits and miracles are recorded in two Puran?as composed in Kanarese and bearing their respective names. According to one story Bijjala, who was a Jain, persecuted the Lingayats and was a.s.sa.s.sinated by them. But there are other versions and the early legends of the sect merit little credence. The Lingayats are Puritans. They reject caste, the supremacy of the Brahmans, sacrifices and other rites, and all the later Brahmanic literature. In theory they reverence the Vedas but practically the two Puran?as mentioned are their sacred books.[560]

They are strict vegetarians and teetotallers: they do not insist on child marriages nor object to the remarriage of widows. Their only object of wors.h.i.+p is Siva in the form of a lingam and they always carry one suspended round the neck or arm. It is remarkable that an exceptionally severe and puritanical sect should choose this emblem as its object of wors.h.i.+p, but, as already observed, the lingam is merely a symbol of the creative force and its wors.h.i.+p is not accomplished by indecent rites.[561] They hold that true Lingayats are not liable to be defiled by births or deaths, that they cannot be injured by sorcery and that when they die their souls do not transmigrate but go straight to Siva. No prayers for the dead are needed.

Though trustworthy details about the rise of the Lingayats are scarce, we can trace their spiritual ancestry. They present in an organized form the creed which inspired Pat?t?an?at?t?u Pil?l?ai in the tenth century. About a hundred years later came Ramanuja who founded a great Vishnuite Church and it is not surprising if the Sivaites followed this example, nor if the least orthodox party became the most definitely sectarian.

The sectarian impulse which is conspicuous after the eleventh century was perhaps stimulated by the example of Mohammedanism. There was little direct doctrinal influence, but a religious people like the Hindus can hardly have failed to notice the strength possessed by an a.s.sociation wors.h.i.+pping one G.o.d of its own and united by one discipline. Syrian Christianity also might have helped to familiarize the Lingayats with the idea of a G.o.d not to be represented by images or propitiated by sacrifices, but there is no proof that it was prevalent in the part of the Deccan where they first appeared.