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The Mayflower and Her Log Part 25

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6. Whosoever cometh to ye colonie hereafter, or putteth any into ye stock, shall at the ende of ye 7. years be alowed proportionably to ye time of his so doing.

7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a single share in ye devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for a person, both in trasportation and devision.

8. That such children as now goe, & are under ye age of ten years, have noe other shar in ye devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land.

9. That such persons as die before ye 7. years be expired, their executors to have their parte or sharr at ye devision, proportionably to ye time of their life in ye collonie.

10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of ye comon stock & goods of ye said collonie.

Governor Bradford adds:--

"The chief and princ.i.p.al differences betwene these & the former [original] conditions, stood in those 2. points; that ye houses, & lands improved, espetialy gardens & home lotts should remaine undevided wholy to ye planters at ye 7. years end. 2ly, yt they should have had 2. days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, for ye more comforte of themselves and their families, espetialy such as had families."

[Apparently, as has been noted, neither these articles of agreement, nor their predecessors which received the approval of the Leyden leaders, were ever signed by the contracting parties, until Robert Cushman brought the later draft over in the FORTUNE, in 1621, and the planter body (advised thereto by Pastor Robinson, who had previously bitterly opposed) signed them. Much might be truly said on either side of this controversy--indeed was said at the time; but if the Pilgrims were to abandon their contention, whatever its merits, in a year's time, as they did, it would seemingly have been much better not to have begun it, for it undoubtedly cost them dear.]

II LETTER OF THE LEYDEN LEADERS TO JOHN CARVER AND ROBERT CUSHMAN, AT LONDON

May 31/June 10, 1620.

To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, these, &c.

Good bretheren, after salutations, &c. We received diverse letters at ye coming of Mr. [Thomas] Nash & our pilott, which is a great incouragmente unto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister occasion of praising G.o.d; and indeed had you not sente him, many would have been ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of ye new conditions which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie bussineses you referr to us here. For ye former wherof, wheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising therupon to alter ye same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to exercise them therin, refering him to our pastors former reasons, and them to ye censure of ye G.o.dly wise. But our desires are that you will not entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable courses as those are, viz. yt the marchants should have ye halfe of mens houses and lands at ye dividente; and that persons should be deprived of ye 2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie servants for their own help and comfort; for that we can require no more of them than all men one of another. This we have only by relation from Mr. Nash, & not from any writing of your owne, & therfore hope you have not proceeded farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring you not to exseed the bounds of your comission, which was to proceed upon ye things or conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going over it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our consultations, and how few, as you fear, understands the busnes aright, should trouble us with such matters as these are, &c. Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (yt under G.o.d) we much relie upon him & put our confidence in him; and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand; presuming that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, he would not have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him.

Since therfor, good brethren, we have plainly opened ye state of things with us in this matter, you will, &c. Thus beseeching ye Allmightie, who is allsufficiente to raise us out of this depth of difficulties, to a.s.siste us herin; raising such means by his providence and fatherly care for us, his pore children & servants, as we may with comforte behould ye hand of our G.o.d for good towards us in this our bussines, which we undertake in his name & fear, we take leave & remaine Your perplexed, yet hopful bretheren, June 10, New Stille Ano: 1620. SAMUEL FULLER, EDWARD WINSLOW, WILLIAM BRADFORD, ISAAC ALLERTON.

III THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN (AT LONDON), TO JOHN CARVER (AT SOUTHAMPTON)

Sat.u.r.day, June 10/20, 1620.

To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, &c.

Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of affection & complaints, & what it is you would have of me I know not; for your crieing out, Negligence, negligence, negligence, I marvell why so negligente a man was used in ye bussines: Yet know you yt all that I have power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. You have reference to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his adventure; wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have done any thing.

He saith we take a heady course, and is offended yt our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he was not made aquainted with our quant.i.tie of things; and saith yt in now being in 3. places, so farr remote, (i.e. Leyden, London, and Southampton) we will, with going up & downe, and wrangling & expostulating, pa.s.s over ye sourer before we will goe. And to speake ye trueth, they is fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme; and we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a vaiage. I have received from Leyden since you wente (to Southampton) 3.

or 4. letters directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will not trouble you with them. I always feared ye event of ye Amsterdamers (members of Rev. Henry Ainsworth's church there) striking in with us.

I trow you must excomunicate me, or els you must goe without their companie, or we shall wante no quareling; but let them pa.s.s.

We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our host; and, count upon a 150. persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200li. & odd moneys of all ye venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stockings, & shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400li. I would have had some thing shortened at first of beare (beer) & other provissions in hope of other adventurs, & now we could have, both in Amsterd & Kente, beere inough to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without prejudice. You fear we have begune to build & and shall not be able to make an end; indeed, our courses were never established by counsell, we may therfore justly fear their standing.

Yea, then was a schisme amongst us 3. at ye first. You wrote to Mr.

Martin, to prevente ye making of ye provissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolution how much he would have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or exception. Surely he yt is in a societie & yet regards not counsell, may better be a king then a consorte. To be short, if then be not some other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we yt should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples of jangling & insulting. Yet your money which you ther [Southampton] must have, we will get provided for you instantly. 500li.

you say will serve; for ye rest which hear & in Holand is to be used, we may goe scratch for it. For Mr. Crabe, of whom you write, he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be without feare till I see him s.h.i.+pped, for he [i.e. his going] is much opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke ye best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and ye Lord guid us all.

Your loving freind, ROBART CUSHMAN.

London June 10.

Ano: 1620.

IV THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN TO THE LEYDEN LEADERS

(Probably written at London, Sat.u.r.day, June 10/20, 1620.)

Brethern, I understand by letters & pa.s.sagess yt have come to me, that ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceedings amongst you.

Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting but yt partly by writing, and more princ.i.p.ally by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been perswaded by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but as things now stand I cannot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard all ye viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to give you contente. First, for your dislike of ye alteration of one clause in ye conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no blame lye on me at all. For ye articles first brought over by John Carver were never seene of any of ye adventurers hear, excepte Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it.

But as at ye first ther was 500li. withdrawne by Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother upon that dislike, so all ye rest would have withdrawne (Mr.

Weston excepted) if we had not altered yt clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my faulte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter ye equitie of yt condition, & our inconveniences, which might be sett against all Mr.

Rob: [Robinson's] inconveniences, that without ye alteration of yt clause, we could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to subsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser than my selfe, without answer to any one of them, here cometh over many quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording it over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves & bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons, framed against yt clause in ye conditions, which as yey were delivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no other but inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as great on ye other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, so they misse & mistake both ye very ground of ye article and nature of ye project.

For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divission of houses & lands, it had been better for ye poore. True, and yt showeth ye inequalitie of ye condition; we should more respect him yt ventureth both his money and his person, then him yt ventureth but his person only.

2. Consider whereaboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnis.h.i.+ng a store house; no one shall be porer then another for 7. years, and if any be rich, none can be pore. At ye least, we must not in such bussines crie, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in venturs; you are by this most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, therefore complaine not before you have need.

3. This will hinder ye building of good and faire houses, contrarie to ye advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it; our purpose is to build for ye presente such houses as, if need be, we may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not be in pompe, but in strength; if G.o.d send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men, s.h.i.+ps, munition, &c. You may see it amongst the best pollitiks, that a comonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine houses and gay cloaths come up.

4. The Govet may prevente excess in building. A. But if it be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, ye Govet laboure is spared.

5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, &c. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2ly. Such retired persons, as have an eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, either civil or religious.

6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5li. A. True, it may not be worth halfe 5li. If then so smale a thing will content them, (the Adventurers) why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly & covetous? I will not say what I have heard since these complaints came first over [from Leyden].

7. Our freinds with us yt adventure mind not their owne profite, as did ye old adventurers. A. Then they are better than we, who for a little matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente, brethern looke too it, that make profit your maine end; repente of this, els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tars.h.i.+s. Though some of them mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as we? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give them all contente, if we can.

8. It will break ye course of comunitie, as may be showed by many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster comunion, as may be showed by many reasons.

9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fis.h.i.+ng, &c. A. As it is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living still upon it, and if such profite in yt way come, our labour shall be ye less on ye land, and our houses & lands will be of less value.

10. Our hazard is greater than theirs. A. True, but doe they put us upon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not ye motion & resolution been always in our selves? doe they any more then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes & conditions! If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys.

Thus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, and let me have no more stirr about them.

Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but surly this is all I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If you mean it of ye 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, you are deceived; you may have 3. days in a week for me if you will. And when I have spoken to ye adventurers of times of working, they have said they hope we are men of discretion & conscience, and so fitt to be trusted our selves with that. But indeed ye ground of our proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering every day, &c.

As for them of Amsterdam, [i.e. the members of Rev. Henry Ainsworth's church there] I had thought they would as soon gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as ye Spanish Inquisition. If any practise of mine discourage them, let them yet draw back; I will undertake they shall have their money againe presently paid hear. Or if the Company think me to be ye Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall be content to stay with good will, having but ye cloaths on my back; only let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full little did I expect these things which are now come to pa.s.s, &c.

Yours, R. CUSHMAN.

V THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN TO THE LEYDEN LEADERS, LONDON

(Sunday, June 11/21, 1620.)

Salutations, &c. I received your letter [of May 31/June 10] yesterday, by John Turner, with another ye same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W.

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