The History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic Volume I Part 12

[21] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 108, 109.--Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. fol. 252.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, lib. 17, cap. 45.--Aleson, a.n.a.les de Navarra, tom. ii. p. 357.

[22] Aleson, a.n.a.les de Navarra, tom. ii. p. 358.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, lib. 17, cap. 6.--Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. fol. 253.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 111.

[23] Zurita, a.n.a.les, lib. 17, cap. 6.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol.

111.

[24] Castillo, Cronica, cap. 28.--Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, fol. 253, 254.

--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 111, 112.--Aleson, a.n.a.les de Navarra, tom. iv. pp. 559, 560.--The inhabitants of Tarraca closed their gates upon the queen, and rung the bells on her approach, the signal of alarm on the appearance of an enemy, or for the pursuit of a malefactor.

[25] Alonso de Palencia, Cronica, MS., part. 2, cap. 51.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 114.--Aleson, a.n.a.les de Navarra, tom. iv. pp. 561- 563.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, cap. 19, 24.

[26] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 106.--"Por quanto era la templanca y mesura de aquel principe; tan grande el concierto y su crianca y costumbres, la limpieza de su vida, su liberalidad y magnificencia, y finalmente su dulce conversacion, que ninguna cosa en el faltava de aquellas que pertenescen a recta vivir; y que arman el verdadero y perfecto principe y senor."

[27] Gundisalvus Garsias, apud Nic. Antonio, Bibliotheca Vetus, tom. ii.

p. 281.

[28] Nic. Antonio, Bibliotheca Vetus, tom. ii. pp. 281, 282.--Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. ii. p. 434.

[29] This treaty was signed at Olit in Navarre, April 12th, 1462.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, lib. 17, cap. 38, 39.--Gaillard, Rivalite, tom. iii. p. 235.-- Gaillard confounds it with the subsequent one made in the month of May, near the town of Salvatierra in Bearne.

[30] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom., vii. p. 110.

[31] Hist. du Royaume de Navarre, p. 496.--Aleson, a.n.a.les de Navarra, tom.

iv. pp. 590-593.--Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. fol. 258, 259.-- Zurita, a.n.a.les, lib. 17, cap. 38.

[32] Lebrija, De Bello Navariensi, (Granatae, 1545,) lib. 1, cap. 1, fol.

74.--Aleson, a.n.a.les de Navarra, ubi supra.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, lib. 17, cap.

38.--The Spanish historians are not agreed as to the time or even mode of Blanche's death. All concur, however, in attributing it to a.s.sa.s.sination, and most of them, with the learned Antonio Lebrija, a contemporary, (loc.

cit.,) in imputing it to poison. The fact of her death, which Aleson, on I know not what authority, refers to the 2d of December, 1464, was not publicly disclosed till some months after its occurrence, when disclosure became necessary in consequence of the proposed interposition of the Navarrese cortes.

[33] Alonso de Palencia, Coronica, MS., part. 2, cap. 51.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol. 98.--Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. fol. 256.--Aleson, a.n.a.les de Navarra, tom. iv. pp. 563 et seq.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 114.--According to Lanuza, who wrote nearly two centuries after the death of Carlos, the flesh upon his right arm, which had been amputated for the purpose of a more convenient application to the diseased members of the pilgrims who visited his shrine, remained in his day in a perfectly sound and healthful state! (Historias Ecclesiasticas y Seculares de Aragon, (Zaragoza, 1622,) tom. i. p. 553.) Aleson wonders that any should doubt the truth of miracles, attested by the monks of the very monastery in which Carlos was interred.

[34] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 116.--Alonso de Palencia, Coronica, MS., part. 2, cap. 51.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol. 113. The Spaniards, deriving the knowledge of artillery from the Arabs, had become familiar with it before the other nations of Christendom. The affirmation of Zurita, however, that 5000 b.a.l.l.s were fired from the battery of the besiegers at Gerona in one day, is perfectly absurd. So little was the science of gunnery advanced in other parts of Europe at this period, and indeed later, that it was usual for a field-piece not to be discharged more than twice in the course of an action, if we may credit Machiavelli, who, indeed, recommends dispensing with the use of artillery altogether.

Arte della Guerra, lib. 3. (Opere, Genova, 1798.)

[35] Alonso de Palencia, Coronica, MS., part. 2, c. 51.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 116.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol. 113.--Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. fol. 259.

[36] Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol. 111.--Another 100,000 crowns were to be paid in case further a.s.sistance should be required from the French monarch after the reduction of Barcelona. This treaty has been incorrectly reported by most of the French and all the Spanish historians whom I have consulted, save the accurate Zurita. An abstract from the original doc.u.ments, compiled by the Abbe Legrand, has been given by M. Pet.i.tot in his recent edition of the Collection des Memoires relatifs a l'Histoire de France, (Paris, 1836,) tom. xi. Introd. p. 245.

[37] A French lance, it may be stated, of that day, according to L.

Marineo, was accompanied by two hors.e.m.e.n; so that the whole contingent of cavalry to be furnished on this occasion amounted to 2100. (Cosas Memorables, fol. 117.) Nothing could be more indeterminate than the complement of a lance in the Middle Ages. It is not unusual to find it reckoned at five or six hors.e.m.e.n.

[38] Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol. 113-115.--Alonso de Palencia, Coronica, MS., part. 2, cap. 1.

[39] In conformity with the famous verdict given by Louis XI. at Bayonne, April 23d, 1463, previously to the interview between him and Henry IV. on the sh.o.r.es of the Bida.s.soa. See Part I. Chap. 3, of this History.

[40] This was the battle-ground of Julius Caesar in his wars with Pompey.

See his ingenious military manoeuvre as simply narrated in his own Commentaries, (De Bello Civili, tom. i. p. 54,) and by Lucan, (Pharsalia, lib. 4,) with his usual swell of hyperbole.

[41] The cold was so intense at the siege of Amposta, that serpents of an enormous magnitude are reported by L. Marineo to have descended from the mountains, and taken refuge in the camp of the besiegers. Portentous and supernatural voices were frequently heard during the nights. Indeed, the superst.i.tion of the soldiers appears to have been so lively as to have prepared them for seeing and hearing anything.

[42] Faria y Sousa, Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. p. 390.--Alonso de Palencia, MS., part. 2, cap. 60, 61--Castillo, Cronica, pp. 43, 44, 46, 49, 50, 54.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. ii. fol. 116, 124, 127, 128, 130, 137, 147.--M. La Clede states, that "Don Pedro no sooner arrived in Catalonia, than he was poisoned."(Histoire Generale de Portugal, (Paris, 1735,) tom.

iii. p. 245.) It must have been a very slow poison. He arrived January 21st, 1464, and died June 29th, 1466.

[43] Sir Walter Scott, in his "Anne of Geierstein," has brought into full relief the ridiculous side of Rene's character. The good king's fondness for poetry and the arts, however, although showing itself occasionally in puerile eccentricities, may compare advantageously with the coa.r.s.e appet.i.tes and mischievous activity of most of the contemporary princes.

After all, the best tribute to his worth was the earnest attachment of his people. His biography has been well and diligently compiled by the viscount of Villeneuve Bargemont, (Histoire de Rene d'Anjou, Paris, 1825,) who has, however, indulged in greater detail than was perhaps to have been desired by Rene, or his readers.

[44] Comines says of him, "A tous alarmes c'estoit le premier homme arme, et de toutes pieces, et son cheval tousjours barde. Il portoit un habillement que ces conducteurs portent en Italie, et sembloit bien prince et chef de guerre; et y avoit d'obeissance autant que monseigneur de Charolois, et luy obeissoit tout l'ost de meilleur coeur, car a la verite il estoit digne d'estre honore." Philippe de Comines, Memoires, apud Pet.i.tot; (Paris, 1826,) liv. 1, chap. 11.

[45] Villeneuve Bargemont, Hist. de Rene, tom. ii. pp. 168, 169.--Histoire de Louys XI., autrement dicte La Chronique Scandaleuse, par un Greffier de l'Hostel de Ville de Paris, (Paris, 1620,) p. 145.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom.

iv. fol. 150, 153.--Alonso de Palencia, Coronica, MS., part. 2, cap. 17.-- Palencia swells the numbers of the French in the service of the duke of Lorraine to 20,000.

[46] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 139.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv.

fol. 148, 149, 158.--Aleson, a.n.a.les de Navarra, tom. iv. pp. 611-613.-- Duclos, Hist. de Louis XI., (Amsterdam, 1746,) tom. ii. p. 114.--Mem. de Comines, Introd., p. 258, apud Pet.i.tot.

[47] Villeneuve Bargemont, Hist. de Rene, tom. ii. pp. 182, 183.--L.

Marineo, fol. 140.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol. 153-164.--Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 29, cap. 7.

[48] Alonso de Palencia, Coronica, MS., part. 2, cap. 88.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 143.--Aleson, a.n.a.les de Navarra, tom. iv. p. 609.-- The queen's death was said to have been caused by a cancer. According to Aleson and some other Spanish writers, Joan was heard several times, in her last illness, to exclaim, in allusion, as was supposed, to her a.s.sa.s.sination of Carlos, "Alas! Ferdinand, how dear thou hast cost thy mother!" I find no notice of this improbable confession in any contemporary author.

[49] Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. ii. pp. 459, 460.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 151.--Alonso de Palencia, Coronica, MS., cap. 88.

[50] Villeneuve Bargemont, Hist. de Rene, tom. ii. pp. 182,333, 334.--L.

Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 142.--Alonso de Palencia, Coronica, part.

2, cap. 39.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol. 178.--According to M. de Villeneuve Bargemont, the princess Isabella's hand had been offered to the duke of Lorraine, and the envoy despatched to notify his acceptance of it, on arriving at the court of Castile, received from the lips of Henry IV.

the first tidings of his master's death, (tom. ii. p. 184.) He must have learned too with no less surprise that Isabella had already been married at that time more than a year! See the date of the official marriage recorded in Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. Apend. no. 4.

[51] Alonso de Palencia, Coronica, MS., part. 2, cap. 29, 45.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. iv. fol. 180-183.-Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, rey 29, cap. 29.

[52] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 144, 147.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom.

iv. fol. 187, 188.--Alonso de Palencia, Coronica, MS., part. 2, cap. 1.

CHAPTER III.

REIGN OF HENRY IV., OF CASTILE--CIVIL WAR.--MARRIAGE OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA.

1454-1469.

Henry IV. disappoints Expectations.--Oppression of the People.--League of the n.o.bles.--Extraordinary Scene at Avila.--Early Education of Isabella.-- Death of her Brother Alfonso.--Intestine Anarchy.--The Crown offered to Isabella.--She declines it.--Her Suitors.--She accepts Ferdinand of Aragon.--Marriage Articles.--Critical Situation of Isabella.--Ferdinand enters Castile.--Their Marriage.

While these stormy events were occurring in Aragon, the Infanta Isabella, whose birth was mentioned at the close of the first chapter, was pa.s.sing her youth amidst scenes scarcely less tumultuous. At the date of her birth, her prospect of succeeding to the throne of her ancestors was even more remote than Ferdinand's prospect of inheriting that of his; and it is interesting to observe through what trials, and by what a series of remarkable events, Providence was pleased to bring about this result, and through it the union, so long deferred, of the great Spanish monarchies.

The accession of her elder brother, Henry the Fourth, was welcomed with an enthusiasm, proportioned to the disgust which had been excited by the long-protracted and imbecile reign of his predecessor. Some few, indeed, who looked back to the time when he was arrayed in arms against his father, distrusted the soundness either of his principles or of his judgment. But far the larger portion of the nation was disposed to refer this to inexperience, or the ebullition of youthful spirit, and indulged the cheering antic.i.p.ations which are usually entertained of a new reign and a young monarch. [1] Henry was distinguished by a benign temper, and by a condescension, which might be called familiarity, in his intercourse with his inferiors, virtues peculiarly engaging in persons of his elevated station; and as vices, which wear the gloss of youth, are not only pardoned, but are oftentimes popular with the vulgar, the reckless extravagance in which he indulged himself was favorably contrasted with the severe parsimony of his father in his latter years, and gained him the surname of "the Liberal." His treasurer having remonstrated with him on the prodigality of his expenditure, he replied, "Kings, instead of h.o.a.rding treasure like private persons, are bound to dispense it for the happiness of their subjects. We must give to our enemies to make them friends, and to our friends to keep them so." He suited the action so well to the word, that, in a few years, there was scarcely a _mara-vedi_ remaining in the royal coffers. [2]

He maintained greater state than was usual with the monarchs of Castile, keeping in pay a body-guard of thirty-six hundred lances, splendidly equipped, and officered by the sons of the n.o.bility. He proclaimed a crusade against the Moors, a measure always popular in Castile; a.s.suming the pomegranate branch, the device of Granada, on his escutcheon, in token of his intention to extirpate the Moslems from the Peninsula. He a.s.sembled the chivalry of the remote provinces; and, in the early part of his reign, scarce a year elapsed without one or more incursions into the hostile territory, with armies of thirty or forty thousand men. The results did not correspond with the magnificence of the apparatus; and these brilliant expeditions too often evaporated in a mere border foray, or in an empty gasconade under the walls of Granada. Orchards were cut down, harvests plundered, villages burnt to the ground, and all the other modes of annoyance peculiar to this barbarous warfare put in practice by the invading armies as they swept over the face of the country; individual feats of prowess, too, commemorated in the romantic ballads of the time, were achieved; but no victory was gained, no important post acquired. The king in vain excused his hasty retreats and abortive enterprises by saying, "that he prized the life of one of his soldiers more than those of a thousand Mussulmans." His troops murmured at this timorous policy, and the people of the south, on whom the charges of the expeditions fell with peculiar heaviness, from their neighborhood to the scene of operations, complained that "the war was carried on against them, not against the infidel." On one occasion an attempt was made to detain the king's person, and thus prevent him from disbanding his forces. So soon had the royal authority fallen into contempt! The king of Granada himself, when summoned to pay tribute after a series of these ineffectual operations, replied "that, in the first years of Henry's reign, he would have offered anything, even his children, to preserve peace to his dominions; but now he would give nothing." [3]