The History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic Volume III Part 33

[48] Sempere, Hist. del Luxo, ubi supra.

[49] Machiavelli, by a single _coup de pinceau_, thus characterizes, or caricatures, the princes of his time. "Un imperatore instabile e vario; un re di Francia sdegnoso e pauroso; un re d'Inghilterra ricco, feroce, e cupido di gloria; _un re di Spagna taccagno e avaro_; per gli altri re, io no li conosco."

[50] The revenues of his own kingdom of Aragon were very limited. His princ.i.p.al foreign expeditions were undertaken solely on account of that crown; and this, notwithstanding the aid from Castile, may explain, and in some degree excuse, his very scanty remittances to his troops.

[51] On one occasion, having obtained a liberal supply from the states of Aragon, (a rare occurrence,) his counsellors advised him to lock it up against a day of need. "Mas el Rey," says Zurita, "que siempre supo gastar su dinero provechosamente, _y nunca fue escosso en despendello en las cosas del estado_, tuvo mas aparejo para emplearlo, que para encerrarlo."

(a.n.a.les, tom. vi. fol. 225.) The historian, it must be allowed, lays quite as much emphasis on his liberality as it will bear.

[52] Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 24.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 10, cap. 100.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 566.

"Vix ad funeris pompam et paucis familiaribus praebendas vestes pullatas, pecuniae apud eum, neqne alibi congestae repertae sunt; quod nemo unquam de vivente judicavit." (Peter Martyr, ubi supra.) Guicciardini alludes to the same fact, as evidence of the injustice of the imputations on Ferdinand; "Ma accade," adds the historian, truly enough, "quasi sempre per il giudizio corrotto degli uomini, che nei Re e piu lodata la prodigalita, benche a quella sia annessa la rapacita, che la parsimonia congiunta con l'astinenza dalla roba di altri." (Istoria, tom. vi. lib.

12, p. 273.)

The state of Ferdinand's coffers formed, indeed, a strong contrast to that of his brother monarch's, Henry VII., "whose treasure of store," to borrow the words of Bacon, "left at his death, under his own key and keeping, amounted unto the sum of eighteen hundred thousand pounds sterling; a huge ma.s.s of money, even for these times." (Hist. of Henry VII., Works, vol. v.

p. 183.) Sir Edward c.o.ke swells this huge ma.s.s to "fifty and three hundred thousand pounds"! Inst.i.tutes, part 4, chap. 35.

[53] Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 24.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 182.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, lib. 9, cap. 26.

Ferdinand's conduct in regard to the Inquisition in Aragon displayed singular duplicity. In consequence of the remonstrance of cortes, in 1512, in which that high-spirited body set forth the various usurpations of the Holy Office, Ferdinand signed a compact, abridging its jurisdiction. He repented of these concessions, however, and in the following year obtained a dispensation from Rome from his engagements. This proceeding produced such an alarming excitement in the kingdom, that the monarch found it expedient to renounce the papal brief, and apply for another, confirming his former compact. (Llorente, Hist. de l'Inquisition, tom. i. pp. 371 et seq.) One may well doubt whether bigotry entered as largely, as less pardonable motives of state policy, into this miserable juggling.

[54] "Disoit-on," says Brantome, "que la reyne Isabella de Castille estoit une fort devote et religieuse princesse, et que luy, quel grand zele qu'il y eust, n'estoit devotieux que par ypocrisie, couvrant ses actes et ambitions par ce sainct zele de religion." (Oeuvres, tom. i. p. 70.) "Copri," says Guicciardini, "quasi tutte le sue eupidita sotto colore di onesto zelo della religione e di santa intenzione al bene comune."

(Istoria, tom. vi. lib. 12, p. 274.) The penetrating eye of Machiavelli glances at the same trait. II Principe, cap. 21.

[55] Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 12, p. 273.--Du Bellay, Memoires, apud Pet.i.tot, Collection des Memoires, tom. xvii. p. 272.--Giovio, Hist. sui Temporis, lib. 11, p. 160; lib. 16, p. 336.--Machiavelli, Opere, tom. ix.

Lett. Diverse, no. 6, ed. Milano, 1805.--Herbert, Life of Henry VIII., p.

63.--Sismondi, Republiques Italiennes, tom. xvi. cap. 112.--Voltaire sums up Ferdinand's character in the following pithy sentence. "On l'appellait en Espagne _le sage, le prudent_; en Italie _le pieux_; en France et a Londres _le perfide_." Essai sur les Moeurs, chap. 114.

[56] "Home era de verdad," says Pulgar, "como quiera que _las necesidades grandes_ en que le pusieron las guerras, le facian algunas veces variar."

(Reyes Catolicos, part. 2, cap. 3.) Zurita exposes and condemns this blemish in his hero's character, with a candor which does him credit. "Fue muy notado, no solo de los estrangeros, pero de sus naturales, que no guardava la verdad, y fe que prometia; y que se anteponia siempre, y sobrepujava el respeto de su propria utilidad, a lo que era justo y honesto." a.n.a.les, tom. vi. fol. 406.

[57] Charles V., in particular, testified his respect for Machiavelli, by having the "Principe" translated for his own use.

[58] Machiavelli, Opera, tom. vi.--Il Principe, cap. 18, ed. Genova, 1798.

[59] Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. iv. part. 1, nos. 7, 11, 28, 29.-- Seyssel, Hist. de Louys XII., pp. 228-230.--St. Gelais, Hist. de Louys XII., p. 184.

[60] Memoires de Bayard, chap. 61.--"This prince," says Lord Herbert, who was not disposed to overrate the talents, any more than the virtues, of Ferdinand, "was thought the most active and politique of his time. No man knew better how to serve his turn on everybody, or to make their ends conduce to his." Life of Henry VIII., p. 63.

[61] According to them, the Catholic king took no great pains to conceal his treachery. "Quelqu'un disant un jour a Ferdinand, que Louis XII.

l'accusoit de l'avoir trompe trois fois, Ferdinand parut mecontent qn'il lui ravit une partie de sa gloire; _Il en a bien menti, l'ivrogne_, dit-il, avec toute la grossierete du temps, _je l'ai trompe plus de dix_." (Gaillard, Rivalite, tom. iv. p. 240.) The anecdote has been repeated by other modern writers, I know not on what authority. Ferdinand was too shrewd a politician, to hazard his game by playing the braggart.

[62] Paolo Giovio strikes the balance of their respective merits in this particular, in the following terms. "Ex horum enim longe maximorum nostrae tempestatis regum ingeniis, et turn liquid et multum antea praclare compertum est, nihil omnino sanctum et inviolabile, vel in rite conceptis sancitisque foederibus reperiri, qud, in proferendis imperiis augendisque opibus, apud eos nihil ad ill.u.s.tris famae decus interesset, dolone et nusquam sine fallaciis, an fide integra veraque virtute niterentur." Hist.

sui Temporis, lib. 11, p. 160.

[63] An equally pertinent example occurs in the efficient support he gave Caesar Borgia in his flagitious enterprises against some of the most faithful allies of France. See Sismondi, Republiques Italiennes, tom.

xiii. cap. 101.

[64] Read the honeyed panegyrics of Seyssel, St. Gelais, Voltaire even, to say nothing of Gaillard, Varillas, _e lulti quanti_, undiluted by scarce a drop of censure. Rare indeed is it to find one so imbued with the spirit of philosophy, as to raise himself above the local or national prejudices which pa.s.s for patriotism with the vulgar. Sismondi is the only writer in the French language, that has come under my notice, who has weighed the deserts of Louis XII. in the historic balance with impartiality and candor. And Sismondi is not a Frenchman.

[65] Giovio, Hist. sui Temporis, lib. 16, p. 335.

[66] Ferdinand left four natural children, one son and three daughters.

The former, Don Alonso de Aragon, was born of the viscountess of Eboli, a Catalan lady. He was made archbishop of Saragossa when only six years old.

There was little of the religious profession, however, in his life. He took an active part in the political and military movements of the period, and seems to have been even less scrupulous in his gallantries than his father. His manners in private life were attractive, and his public conduct discreet. His father always regarded him with peculiar affection, and intrusted him with the regency of Aragon, as we have seen, at his death.

Ferdinand had three daughters, also, by three different ladies, one of them a n.o.ble Portuguese. The eldest child was named Dona Juana, and married the grand constable of Castile. The others, each named Maria, embraced the religious profession in a convent in Madrigal. L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 188.--Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquia, tom. i. p.

410.

[67] "Enfin il surpa.s.sa tous les Princes de son siecle en la science du Cabinet, et c'est a lui qu'on doit attribuer le premier et le souverain usage de la politique moderne." Varillas, Politique de Ferdinand, liv. 3, disc. 10.

[68] Brantome notices a _sobriquet_ which his countrymen had given to Ferdinand. "Nos Francois appelloient ce roy Ferdinand Jehan Gipon, je ne scay pour quelle derision; mais il nous cousta bon, et nous fist bien du mal, et fust un grand roy et sage." Which his ancient editor thus explains: "_Gipon_ de i'italien _giubone_, c'est que nous appellons _jupon_ et _jupe_; voulant par la taxer ce prince de s'etre laisse gouverner par Isabelle, reine de Castille, sa femme, dont il endossoit la _jupe_, pour ainsi dire, pendant qu'elle portoit les _chausses_." (Vies des Hommes Ill.u.s.tres, disc. 5.) There is more humor than truth in the etymology. The _gipon_ was part of a man's attire, being, as Mr. Tyrwhitt defines it, "a short ca.s.sock," and was worn under the armor. Thus Chaucer, in the Prologue to his "Canterbury Tales," says of his knight's dress,

"Of fustian he wered a gipon Alle besmotred with his habergeon."

Again, in his "Knighte's Tale,"

"Som wol ben armed in an habergeon, And in a brest-plate, and in a gipon."

[69] When Ferdinand visited Aragon, in 1515, during his troubles with the cortes, he imprisoned the vice-chancellor, Antonio Augustin; being moved to this, according to Carbajal, by his jealousy of that minister's attentions to his young queen. (a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1515.) It is possible.

Zurita, however, treats it as mere scandal, referring the imprisonment to political offences exclusively. a.n.a.les, tom. vi. fol. 393.--See also Dormer, a.n.a.les de la Corona de Aragon, (Zaragoza, 1697,) lib. 1, cap. 9.

[70] "Era poco hermosa," says Sandoval, who grudges her even this quality, "algo coja, amiga mucho de holga.r.s.e, y andar en banquetes, huertos y jardines, y en fiestas. Introduxo esta Senora en Castilla comidas soberbias, siendo los Castellanos, y sun sus Reyes muy moderados en esto.

Pasabansele pocos dias que no convidase, 6 fuese convidada. La que mas gastaba en fiestas y banquetes con ella, era mas su amiga." Hist. del Emp.

Carlos V., tom. i. p. 12.

[71] Opere, tom. ix. Lettere Diverse, no. 6, ed. Milano, 1805. His correspondent, Vettori, is still more severe in his a.n.a.lysis of Ferdinand's public conduct. (Let. di 16 Maggio, 1514.) These statesmen were the friends of France, with whom Ferdinand was at war; and personal enemies of the Medici, whom that prince re-established in the government.

As political antagonists therefore, every way, of the Catholic king, they were not likely to be altogether unbia.s.sed in their judgments of his policy.--These views, however, find favor with Lord Herbert, who had evidently read, though he does not refer to, this correspondence. Life of Henry VIII., p. 63.

[72] Opere, tom. vi. II Principe, cap. 21, ed. Genova, 1798.

[73] Martyr, who had better opportunities than any other foreigner for estimating the character of Ferdinand, affords the most honorable testimony to his kingly qualities, in a letter written when the writer had no motive for flattery, after that monarch's death, to Charles V.'s physician. (Opus Epist., epist. 567.) Guicciardini, whose national prejudices did not lie in this scale, comprehends nearly as much in one brief sentence. "Re di eccellentissimo consiglio, e virtu, e nel quale, se fosse stato constante nelle promesse, no potresti facilmente riprendere cosa alcuna." (Istoria, tom. vi. lib. 12, p. 273.)

See also Brantome, (Oeuvres, tom. iv. disc. 5.)--Giovio, with scarcely more qualification, Hist. sui Temporis, lib. 16, p. 336.--Navagiero, Viaggio, fol. 27,--et alios.

[74] "Principe el mas senalado," says the prince of the Castilian historians, in his pithy manner, "en valor y justicia y prudencia que en muchos siglos Espana tuvo. Tachas a nadie pueden faltar sea por la fragilidad propia, por la malicia y envidia agena que combate princ.i.p.almente los altos lugares. Espejo sin duda por sus grandes virtudes en que todos los Principes de Espana se deben mirar." (Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. ix. p. 375, cap. ult.) See also a similar tribute to his deserts, with greater amplification, in Garibay, Compendio, tom. ii. lib.

20, cap. 24.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 148.--Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 42.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. ix. p. 426 et seq.--et plurimis auct. antiq. et recentibus.

[75] See the closing chapter of the great Aragonese annalist, who terminates his historic labors with the death of Ferdinand the Catholic.

(Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. vi. lib. 10, cap. 100.) I will cite only one extract from the profuse panegyrics of the national writers; which attests the veneration in which Ferdinand's memory was held in Aragon. It is from one, whose p.e.n.i.s never prost.i.tuted to parasitical or party purposes, and whose judgment is usually as correct as the expression of it is candid. "Quo plangore ac lamentatione universa civitas complebatur. Neque solum homines, sed ipsa tecta, et parietes urbis videbantur acerb.u.m illius, qui omnibus charissimus erat, interitum lugere. Et merit. Erat enim, ut scitis, exemplum prudentiae ac fort.i.tudinis: summae in re domestica continentiae: eximiae in publica dignitatis: humanitatis praeterea, ac leporis admirabilis. ***** Neque eos solum, sed omnes certe tanta amplectebatur benevolentia, ut interdum non n.o.bis Rex, sed uniuscujusque nostrum genitor ac parens videretur. Post ejus interitum omnis nostra juventus languet, deliciis plus dedita quam deceret: nec perinde, ac debuerat, in laudis et gloriae cupiditate versatur. ***** Quid plura?

nulla res fuit in usu bene regnandi posita, quae illius Regis scientiam effugeret. ***** Fuit enim aeximia corporis venustate praeditus. Sed pluris facere deberent consiliorum ac virtutum suarum, quam posteris reliquit, effigiem: quibus denique factum videmus, ut ab eo usque ad hoc tempus, non solum n.o.bis, sed Hispaniae cunctae, diuturnitas pacis otium confirmarit. Haec aliaque ejusmodi quotidie a nostris senibus de Catholici Regis memoria enarrantur: quae a rei veritate nequaquam abhorrent."

Blancas, Commentarii, p. 276.

CHAPTER XXV.

ADMINISTRATION, DEATH, AND CHARACTER OF CARDINAL XIMENES.