A History of the Japanese People Part 78

THE IMPERIAL COURT. THE 113TH SOVEREIGN, THE EMPEROR HIGAs.h.i.+YAMA (A.D. 1687-1710)

In 1687, the Emperor Reigen abdicated in favour of Higas.h.i.+yama, then a boy of thirteen, Reigen continuing to administer affairs from behind the curtain as was usual. Tsunayos.h.i.+ was then the shogun in Yedo. He showed great consideration for the interests of the Imperial Court. Thus, he increased his Majesty's allowance by ten thousand koku of rice annually, and he granted an income of three thousand koku to the ex-Emperor. Moreover, all the Court ceremonies, which had been interrupted for want of funds, were resumed, and steps were taken to repair or rebuild the sepulchres of the sovereigns throughout the empire.

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE FEUDATORIES AND THE COURT n.o.bLES

According to a rule made in the beginning of the Tokugawa dynasty, a lady of Tokugawa lineage was forbidden to marry a Court n.o.ble, but the shogun himself was expected to take a consort from one of the n.o.ble houses in the Imperial capital. From the days of Iemitsu this latter custom was steadily maintained, and gradually the feudatories came to follow the shogun's example, so that marriages between military magnates and n.o.ble ladies of Kyoto Were frequent. To these unions the Court n.o.bles were impelled by financial reasons and the military men by ambition. The result was the gradual formation of an Imperial party and of a Bakufu party in Kyoto, and at times there ensued sharp rivalry between the two cliques. In the days of the seventh shogun, Ietsugu, the Emperor Reigen would have given his daughter Yaso to be the shogun's consort for the purpose of restoring real friends.h.i.+p between the two Courts, but the death of the shogun in his boyhood interrupted the project.

THE 114TH SOVEREIGN, THE EMPEROR NAKANOMIKADO (A.D. 1710-1735)

Higas.h.i.+yama abdicated (1710) in favour of Nakanomikado, who reigned for twenty-five years. This reign is remarkable for a change in the system hitherto uniformly pursued, namely, that all Imperial princes with the exception of the direct heir should become Buddhist priests (ho-s.h.i.+nnd), and all princesses except those chosen as consorts of the shoguns, should become Buddhist nuns (bikuni-gosho). It has already been shown that this custom found many followers in the days of As.h.i.+kaga administration, and it was observed with almost equal strictness under the Tokugawa, who certainly aimed at the gradual weakening of the Imperial household's influence. Arai Hakuseki remonstrated with the shogun, Ien.o.bu, on the subject. He contended that however humble a man's lot may be, his natural desire is to see his children prosper, whereas in the case of Imperial princes, they were condemned to the ascetic career of Buddhist priests. He denounced such a system as opposed to the instincts of humanity, and he advised not only that certain princes should be allowed to form families of their own, but also that Imperial princesses should marry into branches of the Tokugawa. Ien.o.bu is said to have acknowledged the wisdom of this advice, and its immediate result was the establishment of the princely house of Kanin, which, with the houses of Fus.h.i.+mi, Kyogoku (afterwards Katsura), and Arisugawa, became the four s.h.i.+nnoke. Among other privileges these were designated to furnish an heir to the throne in the event of the failure of direct issue. When Yos.h.i.+mune succeeded to the heads.h.i.+p of the Bakufu, and after Arai Hakuseki was no longer in office, this far-seeing policy was gradually abandoned, and all the relations between the Imperial Court and the Bakufu became somewhat strained.

THE 115TH SOVEREIGN, THE EMPEROR SAKURAMACHI (A. D, 1732-1735), AND THE 116TH SOVEREIGN, THE EMPEROR MOMOZONO (A.D. 1735-1762)

After the death of the ex-Emperor Reigen (1732), the Emperor Nakanomikado administered affairs himself during three years, and then abdicated in 1735 in favour of Sakuramachi, who was sixteen years of age, and who reigned until 1747, when he abdicated in favour of Momozono, then seven years of age. It was in this reign that there appeared an eminent scholar, Yamazaki Ansai, who, with his scarcely less famous pupil, Takenouchi s.h.i.+kibu, expounded the Chinese cla.s.sics according to the interpretation of Chutsz. They sought to combine the cults of Confucianism and s.h.i.+nto, and to demonstrate that the Mikados were descendants of G.o.ds; that everything possessed by a subject belonged primarily to the sovereign, and that anyone opposing his Majesty's will must be killed, though his brothers or his parents were his slayers. The obvious effect of such doctrines was to discredit the Bakufu shoguns, and information having ultimately been lodged in Yedo through an enemy of Takenouchi, seventeen Court n.o.bles together with others were arrested and punished, some capitally and some by exile. Among those executed the most remarkable was Yamagata Daini, a master of military science, who, having endured the torture without confession, was finally put to death on the ground that in teaching the method of attacking a fortress he used drawings of Yedo Castle. This incident is remarkable as indicating the first potent appearance of a doctrine to the prevalence of which the fall of the Tokugawa Bakufu was ultimately referable.

THE 117TH SOVEREIGN, THE EMPRESS GO-SAKURAMACHI (A.D. 1762-1770), AND THE 118TH SOVEREIGN, THE EMPEROR GO-MOMOZONO (A.D. 1770-1780)

The Emperor Momozono died in 1762 after having administered the Government for sixteen years. His eldest son, Prince Hidehito, being a mere baby, it was decided that Princess Tomo, Momozono's elder sister, should occupy the throne, Prince Hidehito becoming the Crown Prince. Her Majesty is known in history as Go-Sakuramachi. Her reign lasted only eight years, and in 1770 she abdicated in favour of her nephew, Hidehito, who ascended the throne as the Emperor Go-Momozono and died after a reign of nine years. This exhausted the lineal descendants of the Emperor Nakanomikado.

THE 119TH SOVEREIGN, THE EMPEROR KOKAKU (A.D. 1780-1816)

In default of a direct heir it became necessary to have recourse to one of the "Four Princely Families," and the choice fell upon Prince Tomohito, representing the Kanin house. He succeeded as Kokaku, and a j.a.panese historian remarks with regard to the event and to the growth of the spirit fostered by Yamazaki Ansai, Takenouchi s.h.i.+kibu, and Yamagata Daini, that "the first string of the Meiji Restoration lyre vibrated at this time in j.a.pan." Kokaku's reign will be referred to again later on.

ENGRAVING: (Keyari) SPEAR CARRIER (One of a Daimyo's Procession)

ENGRAVING: PICKING TEA LEAVES IN UJI, A CELEBRATED TEA DISTRICT

CHAPTER XLI

THE LATE PERIOD OF THE TOKUGAWA BAKUFU.

THE ELEVENTH SHOGUN, IENARI. (1786-1838)

NATURAL CALAMITIES

THE misgovernment of Tanuma and his son was not the only calamity that befell the country during the closing years of the tenth shogun, Ieharu's, administration. The land was also visited by famine and pestilence of unparallelled dimensions. The evil period began in 1783 and lasted almost without intermission for four years. It is recorded that when the famine was at its height, rice could not be obtained in some parts of the country for less than forty ryo a koku. Sanguinary riots took place in Yedo, Kyoto, Osaka, and elsewhere. The stores of rice-merchants and the residences of wealthy folks were plundered and, in many cases, destroyed. To such extremities were people driven that cakes made from pine-tree bark served as almost the sole means of subsistence in some districts, and the Government is found gravely proclaiming that cakes made of straw were more nutritious. There are records of men deserting their families, wandering into other provinces in search of food and dying by thousands on the way. An official who had been sent to Matsumae, in the province of Mutsu, to observe the state of affairs, reported that the villages to the east of Nambu had been practically depopulated and the once fertile fields converted into barren plains. "Although farmhouses stood in the hamlets, not a solitary person was to be seen on the road; not a human voice was to be heard. Looking through a window, one saw dead bodies lying without anyone to bury them, and sometimes skeletons covered with quilts reposed on the mats, while among the weeds countless corpses were scattered."

THE ELEVENTH SHOGUN, IENARI

Among these terrible conditions the tenth shogun, Ieharu died, in 1786, and was succeeded by Ienari, a son of Hitotsubas.h.i.+ Harunari and a great-grandson of Yos.h.i.+mune. Ienari was in his fifteenth year, and, of course, at such a tender age he could not possibly deal with the financial, economic, and administrative problems that presented themselves at this, the darkest period of Tokugawa sway. Fortunately a man of genius was found to grapple with the situation. Matsudaira Sadan.o.bu, son of Tayasu Munetake and grandson of Yos.h.i.+mune, proved himself one of the most capable administrators j.a.pan had hitherto produced. In 1788, he was appointed prime minister, a.s.sisted by a council of State comprising the heads of the three Tokugawa families of Mito, Kii, and Owari. Sadan.o.bu was in his thirtieth year, a man of boundless energy, great insight, and unflinching courage. His first step was to exorcise the spectre of famine by which the nation was obsessed. For that purpose he issued rules with regard to the storing of grain, and as fairly good harvests were reaped during the next few years, confidence was in a measure restored. The men who served the Bakufu during its middle period in the capacity of ministers had been taken almost entirely from the families of Ii, Sakai, and Hotta, but none of them had shown any marked ability; they had allowed their functions to be usurped by the personal attendants of the shogun.

This abuse was remedied by the appointment of the heads of the three Tokugawa families to the post of ministers, and for a time Sadan.o.bu received loyal and efficient support from his colleagues.

CONFLAGRATION IN KYOTO

The series of calamities which commenced with the tempests, floods, and famines of 1788 culminated in a fire such as never previously had swept Kyoto. It reduced to ashes the Imperial palace, Nijo Castle, 220 s.h.i.+nto shrines, 128 Buddhist temples, and 183,000 houses. The loss of life (2600) was not by any means as severe as that in the great fire of Yedo, but the Imperial city was practically destroyed.

Is.h.i.+kawa Jins.h.i.+ro, who commanded at Nijo Castle, immediately distributed a thousand koku of rice from the Government's store to relieve the distressed citizens. He acted in this matter without waiting to seek sanction from the Bakufu, and his discretion was rewarded by appointment to the high office of inspector-general of police (o-metsuke).

The problem of restoring the palace presented much difficulty in the impoverished state of the country, but the Bakufu did not hesitate to take the task in hand, and to issue the necessary requisitions to the feudatories of the home provinces. Sadan.o.bu himself repaired to Kyoto to superintend the work, and took the opportunity to travel throughout a large part of the country. During his tour all that had any grievances were invited to present pet.i.tions, and munificent rewards were bestowed on persons who had distinguished themselves by acts of filial piety or by lives of chast.i.ty. Such administrative measures presented a vivid contrast with the corrupt oppression practised by the Tanuma family, and it is recorded that men and women kneeled on the road as Sadan.o.bu pa.s.sed and blessed him with tears.

ENGRAVING: SANNO FESTIVAL OF TOKYO IN EARLY DAYS

SUMPTUARY REGULATIONS

Convinced that the most important step towards economic improvement was the practice of frugality, Sadan.o.bu caused rules to be compiled and issued which dealt with almost every form of expenditure. He himself made a practice of attending at the castle wearing garments of the coa.r.s.est possible materials, and the minute character of his ordinances against extravagance almost taxes credulity.

Thus, he forbade the custom of exchanging presents between official colleagues; ordered that everyone possessing an income of less than ten thousand koku should refrain from purchasing anything new, whether clothing, utensils, or furniture; interdicted the wearing of white robes except on occasions of ceremony; ordained that wedding presents should henceforth be reduced by one-half, advised that dried lobsters should be subst.i.tuted for fresh fish in making presents; prohibited the wearing of brocade or embroidered silk by ladies not of the highest cla.s.s; enjoined simplicity in costumes for the no dance, in children's toys, in women's pipes, or tobacco-pouches, and in ladies' hairpins or hairdress; forbade gold lacquer in any form except to delineate family crests; limited the size of dolls; vetoed banquets, musical entertainments, and all idle pleasures except such as were justified by social status, and actually went to the length of ordering women to dress their own hair, dispensing entirely with professional Hairdressers, who were bade to change their occupation for tailoring or laundry work.

This remarkable statesman laboured for the ethical improvement of his countrymen as well as for their frugality of life. In 1789, we find him legislating against the multiplication of brothels, and, two years later, he vetoed mixed bathing of men and women. One of the fas.h.i.+ons of the time was that va.s.sals left in charge of their lords'

mansions in Yedo used to organize mutual entertainments by way of promoting good-fellows.h.i.+p, but in reality for purposes of dissipation. These gatherings were strictly interdicted.

Simultaneously with the issue of this ma.s.s of negative legislation, Sadan.o.bu took care to bestow rewards and publish eulogies. Whoever distinguished himself by diligent service, by chast.i.ty, by filial piety, or by loyalty, could count on honourable notice.

THE KWANSEI VAGABONDS

During the Kwansei era (1789-1800), Yedo was infested by vagabonds, who, having been deprived of their livelihood by the famine during the years immediately previous, made a habit of going about the town in groups of from three to five men committing deeds of theft or incendiarism. Sadan.o.bu, acting on the advice of the judicial officials, dealt with this evil by establis.h.i.+ng a house of correction on Is.h.i.+kawa Island. There homeless vagrants were detained and provided with work, those ignorant of any handicraft being employed as labourers. The inmates were fed and clothed by the Government, and set free after three years, their savings being handed to them to serve as capital for some occupation. The inst.i.tution was placed under the care of Hasegawa Heizo, five hundred bags of rice and five hundred ryo being granted annually by the Bakufu for its support.

ADOPTION

It has been stated above that one of the abuses which came into large practice from the middle period of the Tokugawa Bakufu was the adoption of children of ign.o.ble birth into samurai families in consideration of monetary payments by their parents. This mercenary custom was strictly interdicted by the Matsudaira regent, who justly saw in it a danger to the solidity of the military cla.s.s. But it does not appear that his veto received full observance.

EDUCATION

Since the shogun Tsunayos.h.i.+ (1680-1709) appointed Hayas.h.i.+ n.o.buatsu as chief of Education in Yedo, and entrusted to him the conduct of the college called Seido, Hayas.h.i.+'s descendants succeeded to that post by hereditary right. They steadily followed the principles of Confucianism as interpreted by Chutsz, a Chinese philosopher who died in the year 1200, but in accordance with the inevitable fate of all hereditary offices, the lapse of generations brought inferiority of zeal and talent. During the first half of the seventeenth century, there appeared in the field of j.a.panese philosophy Nakaye Toju, who adopted the interpretation of Confucianism given by a later Chinese philosopher, w.a.n.g Yang-ming (1472-1529). At a subsequent date Yamaga Soko, Ito Jinsai, and Ogyu Sorai (called also Butsu Sorai) a.s.serted the superiority of the ancient Chinese teaching; and finally Kinos.h.i.+ta Junan preached the rule of adopting whatever was good, without distinction of Tang or Sung.

These four schools engaged in vehement controversy, and showed such pa.s.sion in their statements and such intolerance in their contradictions, that they seemed to have altogether forgotten the ethical principles underlying their own doctrines. In the last quarter of the eighteenth century, other schools came into being, one calling itself the "eclectic school," another the "inductive school,"

and so forth, so that in the end one and the same pa.s.sage of the Confucian a.n.a.lects received some twenty different interpretations, all advanced with more or less abuse and injury to the spirit of politeness.

In these circ.u.mstances the educational chief in Yedo lost control of the situation. Even among his own students there were some who rejected the teachings of Chutsz, and Confucianism threatened to become a stumbling-block rather than an aid to ethics. The prime minister, Sadan.o.bu, now appointed four philosophers of note to a.s.sist the Hayas.h.i.+ family, and these famous teachers attended in turn at the Seido to lecture, commoners as well as samurai being allowed to attend. Sadan.o.bu further directed that the heads of Government departments should send in a list of those best educated among their subordinates, and the men thus recommended were promoted after examination. Moreover, the prime minister himself, attended by his colleagues and the administrators, made a habit of inspecting personally, from time to time, the manner of teaching at the college, and finally, in 1795, the Seido was definitely invested with the character of a Government college, a yearly grant of 1130 koku being apportioned to meet the expenses, and an income of 1500 koku being bestowed upon the Hayas.h.i.+ family.

In the same year, it was decreed that no one should be eligible for a post in the civil service unless he was an avowed follower of the Chutsz philosophy. This bigoted measure, spoken of as the "prohibition of heterodoxy," did not produce the desired effect. It tended rather to accentuate the differences between the various schools, and a pet.i.tion was presented to the Bakufu urging that the invidious veto should be rescinded. The pet.i.tioners contended that although the schools differed from each other, their differences were not material, since all stood on common foundations, namely, the doctrines of Confucius and Mencius, and all agreed in inculcating the virtues of filial piety, brotherly love, loyalty, humanity, righteousness, politeness, and general tranquillity.

THE PHILOSOPHIES OF CHUTSZ AND w.a.n.g YANG-MING

It will be interesting to pause here a moment in order to inquire briefly the nature of the philosophies which occupied j.a.panese thought throughout the seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries. We need not go beyond the schools of Chutsz and w.a.n.g Yang-ming, for the third, or "ancient," school adopted the teachings of Confucius and Mencius in their purity, rejecting all subsequent deductions from the actual words used by these sages. These two schools have been well distinguished as follows by a modern philosopher, Dr. Inouye Tetsujiro:

"(1) Chutsz maintained that it is necessary to make an extensive investigation of the world and its laws before determining what is the moral law. w.a.n.g held that man's knowledge of moral law precedes all study and that a man's knowledge of himself is the very highest kind of learning. Chutsz's method may be said to be inductive; w.a.n.g's, deductive.

"(2) The cosmogony of Chutsz was dualistic. All nature owed its existence to the Ri and Ki, the determining principle and the vital force of primordial aura that produces and modifies motion. w.a.n.g held that these two were inseparable. His teaching was therefore monistic.

"(3) Chutsz taught that the primary principle, Ri, and the mind of man were quite separate, and that the latter was attached to the Ki.

w.a.n.g held that the mind of man and the principle of the universe were one and the same, and argued that no study of external nature was required in order to find out nature's laws. To discover these, man had only to look within his own heart. He that understands his own heart understands nature, says w.a.n.g.

"(4) Chutsz's system makes experience necessary in order to understand the laws of the universe, but w.a.n.g's idealism dispenses with it altogether as a teacher.

"(5) Chutsz taught that knowledge must come first and right conduct after. w.a.n.g contended that knowledge and conduct cannot be separated.

One is part of the other. Chutsz may be said to exalt learned theories and principles, and w.a.n.g to extol practice.