Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson Volume III Part 33

Foreign goods, except some East India articles, are received in the vessels of any nation.

Our s.h.i.+ps may be sold and naturalized there, with exceptions of one or two privileges, which scarcely lessen their value.

In the American possessions of the United Netherlands, and Sweden, our vessels and produce are received, subject to duties, not so heavy as to have been complained of.

_Great Britain_ receives our pot and pearl ashes free, while those of other nations pay a duty of two s.h.i.+llings three pence the kental. There is an equal distinction in favor of our bar-iron, of which article, however, we do not produce enough for our own use. Woods are free from us, whilst they pay some small duty from other countries. Indigo and flaxseed are free from all countries. Our tar and pitch pay eleven pence sterling the barrel. From other alien countries they pay about a penny and a third more.

Our tobacco, for their own consumption, pays one s.h.i.+lling three pence sterling the pound, custom and excise, besides heavy expenses of collection: and rice, in the same case, pays seven s.h.i.+llings four pence sterling the hundred weight, which rendering it too dear as an article of common food, it is consequently used in very small quant.i.ty.

Our salted fish, and other salted provisions, except bacon, are prohibited. Bacon and whale-oils are under prohibitory duties: so are our grains, meals, and bread, as to internal consumption, unless in times of such scarcity as may raise the price of wheat to fifty s.h.i.+llings sterling the quarter, and other grains and meals in proportion.

Our s.h.i.+ps, though purchased and navigated by their own subjects, are not permitted to be used, even in their trade with us.

While the vessels of other nations are secured by standing laws, which cannot be altered but by the concurrent will of the three branches of the British legislature, in carrying thither any produce or manufacture of the country to which they belong, which may be lawfully carried in any vessels, ours, with the same prohibition of what is foreign, are further prohibited by a standing law (12 Car. 2, c. 18, s. 3.) from carrying thither all and any of our domestic productions and manufactures. A subsequent act, indeed, has authorized their executive to permit the carriage of our own productions in our own bottoms, at its sole discretion: and the permission has been given from year to year, by proclamation; but subject every moment to be withdrawn on that single will, in which event, our vessels having any thing on board, stand interdicted from the entry of all British ports. The disadvantage of a tenure which may be so suddenly discontinued, was experienced by our merchants on a late occasion, when an official notification that this law would be strictly enforced, gave them just apprehensions for the fate of their vessels and cargoes despatched or destined to the ports of Great Britain. It was privately believed, indeed, that the order of that court went further than their intention, and so we were, afterwards, officially informed: but the embarra.s.sments of the moment were real and great, and the possibility of their renewal lays our commerce to that country under the same species of discouragement, as to other countries where it is regulated by a single legislator: and the distinction is too remarkable not to be noticed, that our navigation is excluded from the security of fixed laws, while that security is given to the navigation of others.

Our vessels pay in their ports one s.h.i.+lling nine pence sterling per ton, light and trinity dues, more than is paid by British s.h.i.+ps, except in the port of London, where they pay the same as British. The greater part of what they receive from us is re-exported to other countries, under the useless charges of an intermediate deposite and double voyage.

From tables published in England, and composed, as is said, from the books of their Custom-Houses, it appears, that of the indigo imported there in the years 1773-4-5, one third was re-exported; and, from a doc.u.ment of authority, we learn that of the rice and tobacco imported there before the war, four fifths were re-exported. We are a.s.sured, indeed, that the quant.i.ties sent thither for re-exportation since the war are considerably diminished; yet less so than reason and national interest would dictate. The whole of our grain is re-exported, when wheat is below fifty s.h.i.+llings the quarter, and other grains in proportion.

Great Britain admits in her islands our vegetables, live provisions, horses, wood, tar, pitch, and turpentine, rice and bread-stuff, by a proclamation of her executive, limited always to the term of a year, but hitherto renewed from year to year. She prohibits our salted fish and other salted provisions. She does not permit our vessels to carry thither our own produce. Her vessels alone may take it from us, and bring in exchange, rum, mola.s.ses, sugar, coffee, cocoa-nuts, ginger, and pimento. There are, indeed, some freedoms in the island of Dominica, but under such circ.u.mstances as to be little used by us. In the British continental colonies, and in Newfoundland, all our productions are prohibited, and our vessels forbidden to enter their ports. Their Governors, however, in times of distress, have power to permit a temporary importation of certain articles in their own bottoms, but not in ours.

Our citizens cannot reside as merchants or factors within any of the British plantations, this being expressly prohibited by the same statute of 12 Car. 2, c. 18, commonly called their navigation act.

Of our commercial objects, _Spain_ receives favorably our breadstuff, salted fish, wood, s.h.i.+ps, tar, pitch, and turpentine. On our meals, however, when re-exported to their colonies, they have lately imposed duties, of from half a dollar to two dollars the barrel, the duties being so proportioned to the current price of their own flour, as that both together are to make the constant sum of nine dollars per barrel.

They do not discourage our rice, pot and pearl ash, salted provisions, or whale-oil; but these articles, being in small demand at their markets, are carried thither but in a small degree. Their demand for rice, however, is increasing. Neither tobacco nor indigo are received there.

Themselves and their colonies are the actual consumers of what they receive from us.

Our navigation is free with the kingdom of Spain, foreign goods being received there in our s.h.i.+ps on the same conditions as if carried in their own, or in the vessels of the country of which such goods are the manufacture or produce.

Spain and Portugal refuse to those parts of America which they govern, all direct intercourse with any people but themselves. The commodities in mutual demand between them and their neighbors, must be carried to be exchanged in some port of the dominant country, and the transportation between that and the subject state must be in a domestic bottom.

LETTER Cx.x.xI.--TO MR. HAMMOND, February 16, 1793

TO MR. HAMMOND.

Philadelphia, February 16, 1793.

I have duly received your letter of yesterday, with the statement of the duties payable on articles imported into Great Britain The object of the report, from which I had communicated some extracts to you, not requiring a minute detail of the several duties on every article, in every country, I had presented both articles and duties in groups, and in general terms, conveying information sufficiently accurate for the object. And I have the satisfaction to find, on re-examining the expressions in the report, that they correspond with your statement as nearly as generals can with particulars. The differences which any nation makes between our commodities and those of other countries, whether favorable or unfavorable to us, were proper to be noted. But they were subordinate to the more important questions, What countries consume most of our produce, exact the lightest duties, and leave to us the most favorable balance?

You seem to think that in the mention made of your official communication of April the 11th, 1792, that the clause in the navigation act (prohibiting our own produce to be carried in our own vessels into the British European dominions) would be strictly enforced in future, and the private belief expressed at the same time, that the intention of that court did not go so far, that the latter terms are not sufficiently accurate. About the fact it is impossible we should differ, because it is a written one. The only difference, then, must be a merely verbal one. For thus stands the fact. In your letter of April the 11th, you say, you have received by a circular despatch from your court, direction to inform this government that it had been determined in future strictly to enforce this clause of the navigation act. This I considered as an official notification. In your answer of April the 12th, to my request of explanation, you say, 'In answer to your letter of this day, I have the honor of observing that I have no other instructions upon the subject of my communication, than such as are contained in the circular despatch, of which I stated the purport in my letter dated yesterday.

I have, however, no difficulty in a.s.suring you, that the result of my personal conviction is, that the determination of his Majesty's government to enforce the clause of the act, &c. is not intended to militate against the proclamation,' &c. This personal conviction is expressed in the report as a private belief, in contradistinction of the official declaration. In your letter of yesterday, you chose to call it 'a formal a.s.surance of your conviction.' As I am not scrupulous about words when they are once explained, I feel no difficulty in subst.i.tuting in the report, your own words 'personal conviction,' for those of 'private belief' which I had thought equivalent. I cannot indeed insert that it was a formal a.s.surance, lest some readers might confound this with an official one, without reflecting that you could not mean to give official a.s.surance that the clause would be enforced, and official a.s.surance, at the same time, of your personal conviction that it would not be enforced.

I had the honor to acknowledge verbally the receipt of your letter of the 3rd of August, when you did me that of making the inquiry verbally about six weeks ago; and I beg leave to a.s.sure you, that I am, with due respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER Cx.x.xII.--TO M. DE TERNANT, February 17, 1793

TO M. DE TERNANT.

Philadelphia, February 17, 1793.

Sir,

I have duly received your letter of yesterday, and am sensible of your favor in furnis.h.i.+ng me with your observations on the statement of the commerce between our two nations, of which I shall avail myself for the good of both. The omission of our partic.i.p.ation with your vessels, in the exclusive transportation of our tobacco, was merely that of the copy, as it was expressed in the original draught where the same circ.u.mstance respecting our whale-oil was noted: and I am happy that your notice of it has enabled me to reinstate it before the report goes out of my hand. I must candidly acknowledge to you, that I do not foresee the same effect in favor of our navigation, from the late reduction of duties on our tobaccos in France, which you seem to expect.

The difference in favor of French vessels is still so great, as, in my opinion, to make it their interest to quit all other branches of the carrying business, to take up this; and as your stock of s.h.i.+pping is not adequate to the carriage of all your exports, the branches which you abandon will be taken up by other nations: so that this difference thrusts us out of the tobacco carriage, to let other nations in to the carriage of other branches of your commerce. I must therefore avail myself of this occasion to express my hope, that your nation will again revise this subject, and place it on more equal grounds. I am happy in concurring with you more perfectly in another sentiment, that as the principles of our governments become more congenial, the links of affection are multiplied between us. It is impossible they should multiply beyond our wishes. Of the sincere interest we take in the happiness and prosperity of your nation, you have had the most unequivocal proofs.

I pray you to accept a.s.surances of sincere attachment to you personally, and of the sentiments of respect and esteem, with which I am, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER Cx.x.xIII.--TO M. DE TERNANT, February 20, 1793

TO M. DE TERNANT.

Philadelphia, February 20, 1793.

Sir,

I have laid before the President of the United States your notification of the 17th instant, in the name of the Provisory Executive Council charged with the administration of your government, that the French nation has const.i.tuted itself into a republic. The President receives with great satisfaction this attention of the Executive Council, and the desire they have manifested of making known to us the resolution entered into by the National Convention, even before a definitive regulation of their new establishment could take place. Be a.s.sured, Sir, that the government and the citizens of the United States, view with the most sincere pleasure every advance of your nation towards its happiness, an object essentially connected with its liberty, and they consider the union of principles and pursuits between our two countries, as a link which binds still closer their interests and affections. We earnestly wish on our part, that these our natural dispositions may be improved to mutual good, by establis.h.i.+ng our commercial intercourse on principles as friendly to natural right and freedom, as are those of our governments.

I am, with sincere esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER Cx.x.xIV.--TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE, February 20, 1793