The Anti-Slavery Examiner Volume III Part 78

Thomson, Mr.

" , Sandford Todd, R.S.

Toler, William Tolin, Cornelius D.

Townsend, Ely " , Samuel Tucker, Judge Turnbull, Robert Turner, John " , John D.

" , L.

Tarton, S.B.

Tuscaloosa Flag of the Union Upsher, Judge Ustick, William A.

Vance, John Van Buren, Martin Varillat, H.

Vicksburg Register Virginia Minister Virginian Walker, John Walton, George " , John W.

Walsh, Sarah Was.h.i.+ngton Globe Waugh, Dr. Jeremiah S.

Weld, Angelina Grimke Wells, Thomas J.

West Eli Western Luminary " Medical Journal " " Reformer " Review Westgate, George W.

Whitbread, Samuel Whitefield, George " , Needham Whitehead, C.C.

" , W.W.

White, Hiram Wightman, Rev. William M.

Wilberforce, W.

Wilkins, C.W.

Wilkinson, Alfred Williams, George W.

Willis, Robert Willis, William Wilmington Advertiser Wilson, Rev. Joseph G.

Winchester Virginian Wirt, William Wisner, F.

Witherspoon, Dr.

Woodward, Jeremiah Woolman, John Wotton, John Wright, Mr.

Yampert, T.J. De Yearly meeting of Friends Woman dying " flogged because her child died " maniac " no respect for Women at childbirth " " the same labor with men " " work " miscarry under the whip " not breeding " pregnant whipped " severe whippers of slaves " slaves Workhouse at Charleston Working hours " of slaves Worn-out slaves "Worse and worse"

Wors.h.i.+p of G.o.d prohibited Wounds by gunshot Wright Isaac Yokes for slaves

THE

ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.

No. 10.

SPEECH

of

HON. THOMAS MORRIS,

OF OHIO,

IN REPLY TO THE SPEECH OF

THE

HON. HENRY CLAY.

IN SENATE, FEBRUARY 9, 1839.

NEW YORK:

PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,

NO. 143 Na.s.sAU STREET:

1839.

This No. contains 2-1/2 sheets.--Postage, under 100 miles, 4 cts. over 100, 7 cts.

_Please Read and circulate._

SPEECH

MR. PRESIDENT--I rise to present for the consideration of the Senate, numerous pet.i.tions signed by, not only citizens of my own State, but citizens of several other States, New York, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Illinois, and Indiana. These pet.i.tioners, amounting in number to several thousand, have thought proper to make me their organ, in communicating to Congress their opinions and wishes on subjects which, to them, appear of the highest importance. These pet.i.tions, sir, are on the subject of slavery, the slave trade as carried on within and from this District, the slave trade between the different States of this Confederacy, between this country and Texas, and against the admission of that country into the Union, and also against that of any other State, whose const.i.tution and laws recognise or permit slavery.

I take this opportunity to present all these pet.i.tions together, having detained some of them for a considerable time in my hands, in order that as small a portion of the attention of the Senate might be taken up on their account as would be consistent with a strict regard to the rights of the pet.i.tioners. And I now present them under the most peculiar circ.u.mstances that have ever probably transpired in this or any other country. I present them on the heel of the pet.i.tions which have been presented by the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Clay]

signed by the inhabitants of this District, praying that Congress would not receive pet.i.tions on the subject of slavery in the District, from any body of men or citizens, but themselves. This is something new; it is one of the devices of the slave power, and most extraordinary in itself. These pet.i.tions I am bound in duty to present--a duty which I cheerfully perform, for I consider it not only a duty but an honor. The respectable names which these pet.i.tions bear, and being against a practice which I as deeply deprecate and deplore as they can possibly do, yet I well know the fate of these pet.i.tions; and I also know the time, place, and disadvantage under which I present them. In availing myself of this opportunity to explain my own views on this agitating topic, and to explain and justify the character and proceedings of these pet.i.tioners, it must be obvious to all that I am surrounded with no ordinary discouragements. The strong prejudice which is evinced by the pet.i.tioners of the District, the unwillingness of the Senate to hear, the power which is arrayed against me on this occasion, as well as in opposition to those whose rights I am anxious to maintain; opposed by the very lions of debate in this body, who are cheered on by an applauding gallery and surrounding interests, is enough to produce dismay in one far more able and eloquent than the _lone_ and humble individual who now addresses you.

What, sir, can there be to induce me to appear on this public arena, opposed by such powerful odds? Nothing, sir, nothing but a strong sense of duty, and a deep conviction that the cause I advocate is just; that the pet.i.tioners whom I represent are honest, upright, intelligent and respectable citizens; men who love their country, who are anxious to promote its best interests, and who are actuated by the purest patriotism, as well as the deepest philanthropy and benevolence. In representing such men, and in such a cause, though by the most feeble means, one would suppose that, on the floor of the Senate of the United States, order, and a decent respect to the opinions of others, would prevail. From the causes which I have mentioned, I can hardly hope for this. I expect to proceed through scenes which ill become this hall; but nothing shall deter me from a full and faithful discharge of my duty on this important occasion.

Permit me, sir, to remind gentlemen that I have been now six years a member of this body. I have seldom, perhaps too seldom, in the opinion of many of my const.i.tuents, pressed myself upon the notice of the Senate, and taken up their time in useless and windy debate. I question very much if I have occupied the time of the Senate during the six years as some gentlemen have during six weeks, or even six days. I hope, therefore, that I shall not be thought obtrusive, or charged with taking up time with abolition pet.i.tions. I hope, Mr.

President, to hear no more about agitating this slave question here.

Who has began the agitation now? The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Clay.]

Who has responded to that agitation, and congratulated the Senate and the country on its results? The Senator from South Carolina, Mr.

[Calhoun.] And pray, sir, under what circ.u.mstances is this agitation begun? Let it be remembered, let us collect the facts from the records on your table, that when I, as a member of this body, but a few days since offered a resolution as the foundation of proceedings on these pet.i.tions, gentlemen, as if operated on by an electric shock, sprung from their seats and objected to its introduction. And when you, sir, decided that it was the right of every member to introduce such motion or resolution as he pleased, being responsible to his const.i.tuents and this body for the abuse of this right, gentlemen seemed to wonder that the Senate had no power to prevent the action of one of its members in cases like this, and the poor privilege of having the resolution printed, by order of the Senate, was denied.

Let the Senator from South Carolina before me remember that, at the last session, when he offered resolutions on the subject of slavery, they were not only received without objection, but printed, voted on, and decided; and let the Senator from Kentucky reflect, that the pet.i.tion which he offered against our right, was also received and ordered to be printed without a single dissenting voice; and I call on the Senate and the country to remember, that the resolutions which I have offered on the same subject have not only been refused the printing, but have been laid on the table without being debated, or referred. Posterity, which shall read the proceedings of this time, may well wonder what power could induce the Senate of the United States to proceed in such a strange and contradictory manner. Permit me to tell the country now what this power behind the throne, greater than the throne itself, is. It is the power of SLAVERY. It is a power, according to the calculation of the Senator from Kentucky, which owns twelve hundred millions of dollars in human beings as property; and if money is power, this power is not to be conceived or calculated; a power which claims human property more than double the amount which the whole money of the world could purchase. What can stand before this power? Truth, everlasting truth, will yet overthrow it. This power is aiming to govern the country, its const.i.tutions and laws; but it is not certain of success, tremendous as it is, without foreign or other aid. Let it be borne in mind that the Bank power, some years since, during what has been called the panic session, had influence sufficient in this body, and upon this floor, to prevent the reception of pet.i.tions against the action of the Senate on their resolutions of censure against the President. The country took instant alarm, and the political complexion of this body was changed as soon as possible. The same power, though double in means and in strength, is now doing the same thing. This is the array of power that even now is attempting such an unwarrantable course in this country; and the people are also now moving against the slave, as they formerly did against the Bank power. It, too, begins to tremble for its safety. What is to be done?

Why, pet.i.tions are received and ordered to be printed, against the right of pet.i.tions which are not received, and the whole power of debate is thrown into the scale with the slaveholding power. But all will not do; these two powers must now be united: an amalgamation of the black power of the South with the white power of the North must take place, as either, separately, cannot succeed in the destruction of the liberty of speech and the press, and the right of pet.i.tion. Let me tell gentlemen, that both united will never succeed; as I said on a former day, G.o.d forbid that they should ever rule this country! I have seen this billing and cooing between these different interests for some time past; I informed my private friends of the political party with which I have heretofore acted, during the first week of this session, that these powers were forming a union to overthrow the present administration; and I warned them of the folly and mischief they were doing in their abuse of those who were opposed to slavery.

All doubts are now terminated. The display made by the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. Clay,] and his denunciations of these pet.i.tioners as abolitionists, and the hearty response and cordial embrace which his efforts met from the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,]

clearly shows that new moves have taken place on the political chessboard, and new coalitions are formed, new compromises and new bargains, settling and disposing of the rights of the country for the advantage of political aspirants.

The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. Calhoun] seemed, at the conclusion of the argument made by the Senator from Kentucky, to be filled not only with delight but with ecstasy. He told us, that about twelve months since HE had offered a resolution which turned the tide in favor of the great principle of State rights, and says he is highly pleased with the course taken by the Kentucky Senator. All is now safe by the acts of that Senator. The South is now consolidated as one man; it was a great epoch in our history, but we have now pa.s.sed it; it is the beginning of a moral revolution; slavery, so far from being a political evil, is a great blessing; both races have been improved by it; and that abolition is now DEAD, and will soon be forgotten. So far the Senator from South Carolina, as I understand him. But, sir, is this really the case? Is the South united as one man, and is the Senator from Kentucky the great centre of attraction? What a lesson to the friends of the present Administration, who have been throwing themselves into the arms of the southern slave-power for support! The black enchantment I hope is now at an end--the dream dissolved, and we awake into open day. No longer is there any uncertainty or any doubt on this subject. But is the great epoch pa.s.sed? is it not rather just beginning? Is abolitionism DEAD--or is it just awaking into life? Is the right of pet.i.tion strangled and forgotten--or is it increasing in strength and force? These are serious questions for the gentleman's consideration, that may damp the ardor of his joy, if examined with an impartial mind, and looked at with an unprejudiced eye. Sir, when these paeans were sung over the death of abolitionists, and, of course, their right to liberty of speech and the press, at least in fancy's eye, we might have seen them lying in heaps upon heaps, like the enemies of the strong man in days of old. But let me bring back the gentleman's mind from this delightful scene of abolition death, to sober realities and solemn facts. I have now lying before me the names of thousands of living witnesses, that slavery has not entirely conquered liberty; that abolitionists (for so are all these pet.i.tioners called) are not _all dead_. These are my first proofs to show the gentleman his ideas are all fancy. I have also, sir, since the commencement of this debate, received a newspaper, as if sent by Providence to suit the occasion, and by whom I know not. It is the Cincinnati Republican of the 2d instant, which contains an extract from the Louisville Advertiser, a paper printed in Kentucky, in Louisville, our sister city; and though about one hundred and fifty miles below us, it is but a few hours distant. That paper is the leading Administration journal, too, as I am informed, in Kentucky.

Hear what it says on the death of abolition:--

"ABOLITION--CINCINNATI--THE LOUISVILLE ADVERTISER.

"We copy the following notice of an article which we lately published, upon the subject of abolition movements in this quarter, from the Louisville Advertiser:--

"'ABOLITION.--The reader is referred to an interesting article which we have copied from the Cincinnati Republican--a paper which lately supported the principles of Democracy; a paper which has _turned_, but not quite far enough to act with the Adamses and Slades in Congress, or the Whig abolitionists of Ohio. It does not, however, give a correct view of the strength of the abolitionists in Cincinnati. There they are in the ascendant. They control the city elections, regulate what may be termed the morals of the city, give tone to public opinion, and "rule the roast," by virtue of their superior piety and intelligence. The Republican tells us, that they are not laboring Loco Focos--but "drones" and "consumers"--the "rich and well-born," of course; men who have leisure and means, and a disposition to employ the latter, to equalize whites and blacks in the slaveholding States.

Even now, the absconding slave is perfectly safe in Cincinnati. We doubt whether an instance can be adduced of the recovery of a runaway in that place in the last four years. When negroes reach "the Queen city" they are protected by its intelligence, its piety, and its wealth. They receive the aid of the _elite_ of the Buckeyes; and we have a strong faction in Kentucky, struggling zealously to make her one of the dependencies of Cincinnati! Let our mutual sons go on. The day of mutual retribution is at hand--much nearer than is now imagined. The Republican, which still looks with a friendly eye to the slaveholding States, warns us of the danger which exists, although its new-born zeal for Whiggery prompts it to insist, indirectly, on the right of pet.i.tioning Congress to abolish slavery. There are about two hundred and fifty abolition societies in Ohio at the present time, and, from the circular issued at head quarters, Cincinnati, it appears that agents are to be sent through every county to distribute books and pamphlets designed to inflame the public mind, and then organize additional societies--or, rather, form new clans, to aid in the war which has been commenced on the slaveholding States.'"