The Religion of the Ancient Celts Part 29

[874] Lucan, ed. Usener, 33.

[875] See examples in O'Curry, _MS Mat._ 383 f.

[876] Miss Hull, 19, 20, 23.

[877] _LU_ 55.

[878] _RC_ xii. 98, xxi. 156, xxii. 61.

[879] _RC_ xv. 432; _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.M. 2530; Campbell, _WHT_ iv. 298.

[880] See "Ad.a.m.nan's Second Vision." _RC_ xii. 441.

CHAPTER XVII.

TABU.

The Irish _geis_, pl. _geasa_, which may be rendered by Tabu, had two senses. It meant something which must not be done for fear of disastrous consequences, and also an obligation to do something commanded by another.

As a tabu the _geis_ had a large place in Irish life, and was probably known to other branches of the Celts.[881] It followed the general course of tabu wherever found. Sometimes it was imposed before birth, or it was hereditary, or connected with totemism. Legends, however, often arose giving a different explanation to _geasa_, long after the customs in which they originated had been forgotten. It was one of Diarmaid's _geasa_ not to hunt the boar of Ben Gulban, and this was probably totemic in origin. But legend told how his father killed a child, the corpse being changed into a boar by the child's father, who said its span of life would be the same as Diarmaid's, and that he would be slain by it. Oengus put _geasa_ on Diarmaid not to hunt it, but at Fionn's desire he broke these, and was killed.[882] Other _geasa_--those of Cuchulainn not to eat dog's flesh, and of Conaire never to chase birds--also point to totemism.

In some cases _geasa_ were based on ideas of right and wrong, honour or dishonour, or were intended to cause avoidance of unlucky days. Others are unintelligible to us. The largest number of _geasa_ concerned kings and chiefs, and are described, along with their corresponding privileges, in the _Book of Rights_. Some of the _geasa_ of the king of Connaught were not to go to an a.s.sembly of women at Leaghair, not to sit in autumn on the sepulchral mound of the wife of Maine, not to go in a grey-speckled garment on a grey-speckled horse to the heath of Cruachan, and the like.[883] The meaning of these is obscure, but other examples are more obvious and show that all alike corresponded to the tabus applying to kings in primitive societies, who are often magicians, priests, or even divine representatives. On them the welfare of the tribe and the making of rain or suns.h.i.+ne, and the processes of growth depend. They must therefore be careful of their actions, and hence they are hedged about with tabus which, however unmeaning, have a direct connection with their powers. Out of such conceptions the Irish kingly _geasa_ arose. Their observance made the earth fruitful, produced abundance and prosperity, and kept both the king and his land from misfortune. In later times these were supposed to be dependent on the "goodness" or the reverse of the king, but this was a departure from the older idea, which is clearly stated in the _Book of Rights_.[884] The kings were divinities on whom depended fruitfulness and plenty, and who must therefore submit to obey their _geasa_. Some of their prerogatives seem also to be connected with this state of things. Thus they might eat of certain foods or go to certain places on particular days.[885] In primitive societies kings and priests often prohibit ordinary mortals from eating things which they desire for themselves by making them _tabu_, and in other cases the fruits of the earth can only be eaten after king or priest has partaken of them ceremonially. This may have been the case in Ireland. The privilege relating to places may have meant that these were sacred and only to be entered by the king at certain times and in his sacred capacity.

As a reflection from this state of things, the heroes of the sagas, Cuchulainn and Fionn, had numerous _geasa_ applicable to themselves, some of them religious, some magical, others based on primitive ideas of honour, others perhaps the invention of the narrators.[886]

_Geasa_, whether in the sense of tabus or of obligations, could be imposed by any one, and must be obeyed, for disobedience produced disastrous effects. Probably the obligation was framed as an incantation or spell, and the power of the spell being fully believed in, obedience would follow as a matter of course.[887] Examples of such _geasa_ are numerous in Irish literature. Cuchulainn's father-in-law put _geasa_ on him that he should know no rest until he found out the cause of the exile of the sons of Doel. And Grainne put _geasa_ on Diarmaid that he should elope with her, and this he did, though the act was repugnant to him.

Among savages the punishment which is supposed to follow tabu-breaking is often produced through auto-suggestion when a tabu has been unconsciously infringed and this has afterwards been discovered. Fear produces the result which is feared. The result is believed, however, to be the working of divine vengeance. In the case of Irish _geasa_, destruction and death usually followed their infringement, as in the case of Diarmaid and Cuchulainn. But the best instance is found in the tale of _The Destruction of Da Derga's Hostel_, in which the _sid_-folk avenge themselves for Eochaid's action by causing the destruction of his descendant Conaire, who is forced to break his _geasa_. These are first minutely detailed; then it is shown how, almost in spite of himself, Conaire was led on to break them, and how, in the sequel, his tragic death occurred.[888] Viewed in this light as the working of divine vengeance to a remote descendant of the offender by forcing him to break his tabus, the story is one of the most terrible in the whole range of Irish literature.

FOOTNOTES:

[881] The religious interdictions mentioned by Caesar (vi. 13) may be regarded as tabus, while the spoils of war placed in a consecrated place (vi. 18), and certain animals among the Britons (v. 12), were clearly under tabu.

[882] Joyce, _OCR_ 332 f.

[883] _Book of Rights_, ed. O'Donovan, 5.

[884] _Book of Rights_, 7.

[885] Ibid. 3 f.

[886] _LL_ 107; O'Grady, ii. 175.

[887] In Highland tales _geasa_ is translated "spells."

[888] _RC_ xxii. 27 f. The story of _Da Choca's Hostel_ has for its subject the destruction of Cormac through breaking his _geasa_ (_RC_ xxi. 149 f.).

CHAPTER XVIII.

FESTIVALS.

The Celtic year was not at first regulated by the solstices and equinoxes, but by some method connected with agriculture or with the seasons. Later, the year was a lunar one, and there is some evidence of attempts at synchronising solar and lunar time. But time was mainly measured by the moon, while in all calculations night preceded day.[889]

Thus _oidhche Samhain_ was the night preceding Samhain (November 1st), not the following night. The usage survives in our "sennight" and "fortnight." In early times the year had two, possibly three divisions, marking periods in pastoral or agricultural life, but it was afterwards divided into four periods, while the year began with the winter division, opening at Samhain. A twofold, subdivided into a fourfold division is found in Irish texts,[890] and may be tabulated as follows:--

1st quarter, _Geimredh_, beginning with the _A_. Geimredh festival of _Samhain_, November 1st.

(winter half) 2nd quarter, _Earrach_, beginning February 1st (sometimes called _Oimelc_).

3rd quarter, _Samradh_, beginning with the _B_. Samhradh festival of _Beltane_, May 1st (called also (summer half) _Cet-soman_ or _Cet-samain_, 1st day of _Samono-s_; cf. Welsh _Cyntefyn_).

4th quarter, _Foghamhar_, beginning with the festival of _Lugnasadh_, August 1st (sometimes called _Brontroghain_).

These divisions began with festivals, and clear traces of three of them occur over the whole Celtic area, but the fourth has now been merged in S. Brigit's day. Beltane and Samhain marked the beginning of the two great divisions, and were perhaps at first movable festivals, according as the signs of summer or winter appeared earlier or later. With the adoption of the Roman calendar some of the festivals were displaced, e.g. in Gaul, where the Calends of January took the place of Samhain, the ritual being also transferred.

None of the four festivals is connected with the times of equinox and solstice. This points to the fact that originally the Celtic year was independent of these. But Midsummer day was also observed not only by the Celts, but by most European folk, the ritual resembling that of Beltane. It has been held, and an old tradition in Ireland gives some support to the theory, that under Christian influences the old pagan feast of Beltane was merged in that of S. John Baptist on Midsummer day.[891] But, though there are Christian elements in the Midsummer ritual, denoting a desire to bring it under Church influence, the pagan elements in folk-custom are strongly marked, and the festival is deeply rooted in an earlier paganism all over Europe. Without much acquaintance with astronomy, men must have noted the period of the sun's longest course from early times, and it would probably be observed ritually. The festivals of Beltane and Midsummer may have arisen independently, and entered into compet.i.tion with each other. Or Beltane may have been an early pastoral festival marking the beginning of summer when the herds went out to pasture, and Midsummer a more purely agricultural festival.

And since their ritual aspect and purpose as seen in folk-custom are similar, they may eventually have borrowed each from the other. Or they may be later separate fixed dates of an earlier movable summer festival.

For our purpose we may here consider them as twin halves of such a festival. Where Midsummer was already observed, the influence of the Roman calendar would confirm that observance. The festivals of the Christian year also affected the older observances. Some of the ritual was transferred to saints' days within the range of the pagan festival days, thus the Samhain ritual is found observed on S. Martin's day. In other cases, holy days took the place of the old festivals--All Saints'

and All Souls' that of Samhain, S. Brigit's day that of February 1st, S.

John Baptist's day that of Midsummer, Lammas that of Lugnasad, and some attempt was made to hallow, if not to oust, the older ritual.

The Celtic festivals being primarily connected with agricultural and pastoral life, we find in their ritual survivals traces not only of a religious but of a magical view of things, of acts designed to a.s.sist the powers of life and growth. The proof of this will be found in a detailed examination of the surviving customs connected with them.

SAMHAIN.

Samhain,[892] beginning the Celtic year, was an important social and religious occasion. The powers of blight were beginning their ascendancy, yet the future triumph of the powers of growth was not forgotten. Probably Samhain had gathered up into itself other feasts occurring earlier or later. Thus it bears traces of being a harvest festival, the ritual of the earlier harvest feast being transferred to the winter feast, as the Celts found themselves in lands where harvest is not gathered before late autumn. The harvest rites may, however, have been a.s.sociated with thres.h.i.+ng rather than ingathering. Samhain also contains in its ritual some of the old pastoral cults, while as a New Year feast its ritual is in great part that of all festivals of beginnings.

New fire was brought into each house at Samhain from the sacred bonfire,[893] itself probably kindled from the need-fire by the friction of pieces of wood. This preserved its purity, the purity necessary to a festival of beginnings.[894] The putting away of the old fires was probably connected with various rites for the expulsion of evils, which usually occur among many peoples at the New Year festival. By that process of dislocation which scattered the Samhain ritual over a wider period and gave some of it to Christmas, the kindling of the Yule log may have been originally connected with this festival.

Divination and forecasting the fate of the inquirer for the coming year also took place. Sometimes these were connected with the bonfire, stones placed in it showing by their appearance the fortune or misfortune awaiting their owners.[895] Others, like those described by Burns in his "Hallowe'en," were unconnected with the bonfire and were of an erotic nature.[896]

The slaughter of animals for winter consumption which took place at Samhain, or, as now, at Martinmas, though connected with economic reasons, had a distinctly religious aspect, as it had among the Teutons.

In recent times in Ireland one of the animals was offered to S. Martin, who may have taken the place of a G.o.d, and ill-luck followed the non-observance of the custom.[897] The slaughter was followed by general feasting. This later slaughter may be traced back to the pastoral stage, in which the animals were regarded as divine, and one was slain annually and eaten sacramentally. Or, if the slaughter was more general, the animals would be propitiated. But when the animals ceased to be wors.h.i.+pped, the slaughter would certainly be more general, though still preserving traces of its original character. The pastoral sacrament may also have been connected with the slaying and eating of an animal representing the corn-spirit at harvest time. In one legend S. Martin is a.s.sociated with the animal slain at Martinmas, and is said to have been cut up and eaten in the form of an ox,[898] as if a former divine animal had become an anthropomorphic divinity, the latter being merged in the personality of a Christian saint.

Other rites, connected with the Calends of January as a result of dislocation, point also in this direction. In Gaul and Germany riotous processions took place with men dressed in the heads and skins of animals.[899] This rite is said by Tille to have been introduced from Italy, but it is more likely to have been a native custom.[900] As the people ate the flesh of the slain animals sacramentally, so they clothed themselves in the skins to promote further contact with their divinity.

Perambulating the towns.h.i.+p sunwise dressed in the skin of a cow took place until recently in the Hebrides at New Year, in order to keep off misfortune, a piece of the hide being burned and the smoke inhaled by each person and animal in the towns.h.i.+p.[901] Similar customs have been found in other Celtic districts, and these animal disguises can hardly be separated from the sacramental slaughter at Samhain.[902]

Evils having been or being about to be cast off in the New Year ritual, a few more added to the number can make little difference. Hence among primitive peoples New Year is often characterised by orgiastic rites.

These took place at the Calends in Gaul, and were denounced by councils and preachers.[903] In Ireland the merriment at Samhain is often mentioned in the texts,[904] and similar orgiastic rites lurk behind the Hallowe'en customs in Scotland and in the licence still permitted to youths in the quietest towns.h.i.+ps of the West Highlands at Samhain eve.