Journal of Jasper Danckaerts, 1679-1680 Part 10

[Footnote 211: Probably this was Alice Gary, formerly Alice Ambrose, who in 1662 had been whipped at Dover and Hampton, N.H., and Salisbury, Ma.s.s., and in 1665 had been punished at Boston, along with Wenlock Christison. She now lived on West River, in Maryland.]

_22d, Wednesday._ It was rainy all this day, which gave us sufficient time to explore the island. We had some good cider which he had made out of the fruit from the remains of an old orchard planted by the Swedish governor. The persons of whom we have before spoken having left for Upland, Ephraim did not wish to go there because he thought they would preach; and it being rainy, and no fit boat at hand, we remained here the whole day. We saw an ox as large as they have in Friesland or Denmark, and also quite fat--a species of which we have observed more among the Swedes, and which thrive well. It clearing up towards evening, we took a canoe and came after dark to Upland. This is a small village of Swedes, although it is now overrun by English.

We went to the house of the Quaker who had brought us down, and carried the other persons from Tinakonk. His name was Robert Willemsen or Weert.[212] We found here the prophetess or _apostle-ess_, with her company. Among others, there were two widows, who were at variance, and whom the prophetess with all her authority and spiritual power could not reconcile, or had not endeavored to do so. They would have been compelled to have gone before the court, had not Ephraim striven his best to make them adjust the matter, and brought them to a settlement. One of these widows, named Anna Salters, lived at Takany, and was one of those who, when ----[213] gave himself out as the Lord Jesus, and allowed himself to be carried around on an a.s.s, shouted Hosanna as he rode over their garments, for which conduct he was arrested, his tongue bored through with a red-hot iron, and his forehead branded with a B, for blasphemer. She was not only one of those, but she anointed his head and feet, and wiped them with her hair. The other widow, named Lysbeth, was also one of the princ.i.p.al persons. She lived a little lower down than Takoney, on the same side of the river. The state of the difference between them was this. They had agreed between themselves to exchange or barter their plantations, and each made a writing and each kept her own. Anna Salters afterwards repented her bargain, and went to Elizabeth, and desired that each should take back the writing subscribed by her; but it so happened that Anna Salters went away, having given up hers, and the other not being then to be found. She had given hers to Elizabeth, supposing she would afterwards obtain the other; but when she went again to demand it, Elizabeth said the paper had become wet, and in her attempting to dry it, was burnt up. It was believed that Elizabeth had the two writings in her possession, and consequently both plantations, which, they said, she wanted to sell privately. Whereupon Anna called upon her to restore either the deed or the plantation.

Elizabeth charged that Anna was indebted to her for a certain amount of tobacco, which she had taken to England for her, and of which she had never been able to obtain a correct account. It was really confusion and rascality. Elizabeth, who was a bad person, appealed always to some papers which she said she had not with her. Ephraim who was clerk of both the courts, namely, of Upland and Nieu Castel [Newcastle],[214] wrote down separately from the beginning the claims which they set up against each other, and decided that the plantations should be mutually restored, and the debts balanced, and he made them agree to it, although Elizabeth was very unwilling. Robbert Weert, who is the best Quaker we have yet seen, and his wife, who is a good woman, were both troubled, as they said, as also was the prophetess, that such things should take place among their people before strangers, and be settled through them, and when there were other strangers present. Whereupon Ephraim said, "Who do you suppose we are?

Possibly we are as good Christians as you are." And certainly he exhibited something more christianly in reconciling and pacifying them than they who brewed this work had done, or those who would be so very devout that they would neither speak to them authoritatively nor admonish them with kindness to any effect. The Lord has caused us to see this example that we might know that these people are still covetous, and that almost all of them are attached to the world and to themselves--that is, they are worldly people, which shows the holiness of the spirit by which they are actuated! As regards Anna Salters, it was said she was mundane, carnal, covetous, and artful, although she appeared to be the most pious. Her sayings and discussions were continually mixed up with protestations of the presence and omniscience of G.o.d, and upon the salvation of her soul, so truly gross that if the ordinary boors had talked so, they would have been punished and expelled. But what are not those people capable of, who present themselves to be carried away as we have mentioned above; as well as others in this country, who publish and declare, one, that she is Mary the mother of the Lord; another, that she is Mary Magdalen, and others that they are Martha, John, etc., scandalizers, as we heard them in a tavern, who not only so called themselves, but claimed to be really such. For this reason, Mr. Weert would no longer have them in his house, making them leave, although it was well in the evening; for the Weerts said they could not endure it.

Indeed, G.o.d the Lord will not let that pa.s.s by, for it is not far from blasphemy. He will bring them to justice, if they be of His elect.

[Footnote 212: Robert Wade, who had come out with Fenwick in 1675, and settled at Salem, N.J., but presently removed to Upland (Chester). He and his wife were probably the first Quakers in Pennsylvania. Penn occupied this house when he first landed in 1682, and here the first a.s.sembly of Pennsylvania met.]

[Footnote 213: James Naylor. The episode occurred at Bristol, England, in 1656. Anna Salters was at that time Anna or Hannah Strayer, whose conduct in that episode was as here described.]

[Footnote 214: So appointed by Governor Andros in 1676.]

It was very late in the evening, in consequence of this dispute, before we supped and went to sleep. We were taken to a place to sleep directly before an open window, to which there was no shutter, so that it could not be closed, and as the night was very cold, and it froze hard, we could scarcely keep ourselves warm.

_23d, Thursday._ It was late before we left here, and we therefore had time to look around a little, and see the remains of the residence of Madame Papegay, who had had her dwelling here when she left Tinakonk.

We had nowhere seen so many vines together as we saw here, which had been planted for the purpose of shading the walks on the river side, in between the trees. The dinner being ready, I was placed at the table next to the beforenamed prophetess, who while they all sat at the table, began to groan and quake gradually until at length the whole bench shook. Then rising up she began to pray, shrieking so that she could be heard as far as the river. This done, she was quickly in the dish, and her mouth began immediately to prate worldly and common talk in which she was not the least ready. When the meal was finished, Ephraim obtained a horse for himself and his wife, and we followed him on foot, carrying our travelling bags. Our host took us to the path, and Ephraim's servant was to act as our guide. In travelling along we observed the difference between the soil on the North River and this, and also that this difference was not so great as is usually a.s.serted. After we had proceeded about three hours, our guide missed the way, and we had gone a good distance before he became aware of it, and would have gone on still further if we had not told him that we thought the course we were going was wrong. We therefore left one road, and went straight back in search of the other which we at length found. A man overtook us who was going the same way, and we followed him. We crossed the Schiltpads Kill,[215] where there was a fall of water over the rocks, affording a site for a grist-mill which was erected there. This Schilpads Kil is nothing but a branch or arm of Christine Kill into which it discharges itself, and is so named on account of the quant.i.ties of tortoises which are found there. Having crossed it we came to the house of the miller who was a Swede or Holsteiner whom they usually call Tapoesie. He was short in person, but a very friendly fellow. Ephraim had told us we would find him such as we did, for he had ridden there before us. He had, as it appeared, several well-behaved children, among whom was a little girl who resembled very much our little Judith in her whole countenance and figure, and was about the same age, and had she met us by our house, I should have considered her Judith. Her name was Anne Mary. We were welcome here, and were entertained according to the man's circ.u.mstances.

[Footnote 215: Turtle Creek, now Shelpot Creek. At its falls the Swedes had built a mill in 1662.]

_24th, Friday._ Ephraim having some business here, we did not leave very speedily. This miller had shot an animal they call a muskrat, the skin of which we saw hanging up to dry. He told us they were numerous in the creeks. We asked them why they gave them that name, and he said because they smelt so, especially their t.e.s.t.i.c.l.es, which he had preserved of this one, and gave my comrade, remarking that they were intended for some amateur or other, and he could do little with them.

The muskrat is not larger than the common rat. It has gray hair, and the fleece is sometimes sold with other peltries, but it is not worth much, although it has some odor. It was about noon when we were set across the creek in a canoe. We proceeded thence a small distance over land to a place where the fortress of Christine[216] had stood which had been constructed and possessed by the Swedes, but taken by the Dutch governor, Stuvesant, and afterwards, I believe, demolished by the English. We went into a house here belonging to some Swedes, with whom Ephraim had some business. We were then taken over Christine Creek in a canoe, and landed at the spot where Stuyvesant threw up his battery to attack the fort, and compelled them to surrender.[217] At this spot there are many medlar trees which bear good fruit from which one Jaquet,[218] who does not live far from there, makes good brandy or spirits, which we tasted and found even better than French brandy.

Ephraim obtained a horse at this Jaket's, and rode on towards Santhoek, now Newcastle, and we followed him on foot, his servant leading the way. We arrived about four o'clock at Ephraim's house, where we congratulated each other, and were glad, thanking the Lord in our hearts for His constantly accompanying grace. We found here the young brother of the wife with the servant, who had come with the horses from the falls overland, and had been at the house several days. We also saw here Ephraim's sister, Miss Margaret Hermans,[219]

who showed us much kindness. She was a little volatile, but of a sweet and good disposition. She had been keeping house during the absence of Ephraim. Truly the Lord has in all these things been very good to us, for we knew not where to go, and He has directed us among these people, who have done out of love what they have shown us. We knew not where to lodge, and He has provided us lodgings where we were so free and had, according to the circ.u.mstances of the time, what we desired.

We hope and doubt not the Lord will visit that house in grace, and even gives us some a.s.surances in what we have seen.

[Footnote 216: The creek mentioned was Brandywine Creek. Fort Christina stood on a part of the present site of Wilmington, Delaware.

For the Dutch conquest of it in 1655, see _Narratives of New Netherland_, in this series, pp. 379-386, and _Narratives of Early Pennsylvania_, pp. 167-176.]

[Footnote 217: Fort Christina stood on the north side of Christina Creek. Stuyvesant's main battery was erected behind the fort, on the land or north side of it, but he also had works on the opposite or south side of Christina Creek. Lindstrom's original plan of the siege may be seen reproduced in Dr. Amandus Johnson's _The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware_, II. 602.]

[Footnote 218: Jean Paul Jaquet was vice-director on the Delaware during the initial period of Dutch control, 1655-1657.]

[Footnote 219: Anna Margareta, eldest of the three daughters of Augustine Herrman of Bohemia Manor. She afterward married Matthias Vanderheyden.]

_25th, Sat.u.r.day._ We rested a little to-day. Ephraim and his wife and we ourselves had several visits from different persons who came to welcome us, as Mons. Jan Moll,[220] whom we had conversed with in New York, and who now offered us his house and all things in it, even pressing them upon us. But we were not only contented with our present circ.u.mstances, but we considered that we should not be doing right to leave Ephraim's house without reason. We therefore thanked him, but nevertheless in such a manner, that we took notice of his kindness, and answered accordingly. Pieter Aldrix also showed us much attention, as did others, to all of whom we returned our thanks. We went out to view this little place, which is not of much moment, consisting of only forty or fifty houses. There is a fine prospect from it, as it lies upon a point of the river where I took a sketch.[221]

[Footnote 220: Presiding justice of the court at Newcastle. See _post_, p. 144.]

[Footnote 221: This Newcastle sketch seems not to have survived.]

_26th, Sunday._ We went to the church, but the minister, Tessemaker, who has to perform service in three places, over the river, at the Sandhook, and at Apoquemene,[222] was to-day over the river, and there was, therefore, nothing done, except what was done by a poor limping clerk, as he was a cripple and poor in body. He read from a book a sermon, or short explanation, and sang and made a prayer, if it may be called such, and then the people went home. In the afternoon there was a prelection again about the catechism.

[Footnote 222: Appoquinimink Creek, in the lower part of Newcastle County, Delaware.]

_27th, Monday._ The weather was sharp and windy. We had intended to proceed on our journey but we could not very well do so. My comrade had also been indisposed in the night. We therefore waited for the opportunity which the Lord would present. Meanwhile we had another visit. Ephraim advised us to wait a day or two until his brother, Kasparus Herman,[223] whom he expected there, should arrive, and who would conduct us farther into Maryland.

[Footnote 223: Kasparus Herrman, second son of Augustine Herrman of Bohemia Manor. Andros in 1676 had confirmed him in the possession of lands on the northeast side of Augustine Creek in Delaware, a part of St. Augustine Manor (see note 2 on page 112), and here we may a.s.sume that he was living, near Reedy Isle.]

_28th, Tuesday._ Little transpired while we were waiting to-day, except that we spoke to several persons of the way of the Lord, and particularly to the sister of Ephraim, Miss Margaret, who received with some favor what was said to her, and also to Ephraim and his wife, who we hope will bring forth the seed the Lord has sown in them, in His own time.

_29th, Wednesday._ We were still waiting, although Ephraim had sent for his brother; but we obtained tidings that he had gone to Maryland, and was coming back home immediately, as he had gone to visit his father who lives at the entrance into Maryland and was sick.

_30th, Thursday._ The weather had been cold and windy, but had now cleared up; so that some of the servants of Kasparus came, who confirmed the account that their master had gone to Maryland, but they were expecting him home. Whereupon Mons. Moll, who had to go to one of his plantations lying on the road leading to Kasparus's house, requested us to accompany him, so that the servants of Kasparus on their return home would find us at his place and take us on to the house of Kasparus. We accordingly started, Mr. Moll riding on horseback and we following him on foot, carrying our travelling sacks, but sometimes exchanging with him, and thus also riding a part of the way. This plantation of his is situated about fifteen miles from the Sandhook. It was about ten o'clock in the morning when we took leave of our friends and left. We pa.s.sed through a tolerably good country, but the soil was a little sandy, and it was three o'clock in the afternoon when we reached the plantation. There were no persons there except some servants and negroes, the commander being a Parisian. The dwellings were very badly appointed, especially for such a man as Mons. Moll. There was no place to retire to, nor a chair to sit on, or a bed to sleep on. For their usual food the servants have nothing but maize bread to eat, and water to drink, which sometimes is not very good and scarcely enough for life, yet they are compelled to work hard. They are brought from England in great numbers into Maryland, Virginia and the Menades and sold each one according to his condition, for a certain term of years, four, five, six, seven or more. And thus they are by hundreds of thousands compelled to spend their lives here and in Virginia and elsewhere in planting that vile tobacco, which all vanishes into smoke, and is for the most part miserably abused.[224]

It is the chief article of trade in the country. If they only wished it they could have everything for the support of life in abundance, for they have land and opportunity sufficient for that end; but this insatiable avarice must be fed and sustained by the b.l.o.o.d.y sweat of these poor slaves. After we had supped, Mr. Moll, who would be civil, wished us to lie upon a bed that was there, and he would lie upon a bench, which we declined; and as this continued some length of time I lay down on a heap of maize, and he and my comrade afterwards did the same. This was very uncomfortable and chilly, but it had to go so.

[Footnote 224: Great numbers of indented white servants came into Maryland, Delaware, and Pennsylvania. See E.I. MacCormac, _White Servitude in Maryland_, in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, XXII.]

DECEMBER _1st, Friday._ Mr. Moll wis.h.i.+ng to do us every kindness, as he indeed did do many, wrote addresses which might be serviceable to us in Maryland, for he was not only very well known there, but had influence among the people by reason of the trade they had with each other, and of his being a member of the court, and having some authority. He also gave us some letters of recommendation and credit in case we might have any necessity for the latter, in all which he indeed showed he had an affection for us. After we had breakfasted, the servants of Kasparus not having arrived, he himself conducted us to one of the nearest plantations where his cooper was, who had also something to do for Kasparus, and would conduct us farther on, as took place; and we arrived about three o'clock at the house of Kasparus.

But he had not yet come home nor had the servants arrived, for whom we had been waiting.

_2d, Sat.u.r.day._ We waited here all this day, and had time and opportunity to explore this place, which they call St. Augustine.[225]

We found that it was well situated, and would not badly suit us.

There are large and good meadows and marshes near it, and the soil is quite good. It has much good timber and a very fine prospect, for looking from the strand you can see directly south into the mouth of the bay, as this place lies on the west side of the river in a bend.

There is much land attached to it, which he purchased from the Indians for almost nothing, or nothing to signify. Towards evening two Englishmen and a Quaker stopped here to pa.s.s the night who were also going to Maryland.

[Footnote 225: This was one of Augustine Herrman's estates. His possessions included Bohemia Manor and Little Bohemia (acquired in 1662), St. Augustine's Manor (1671), and Misfortune, or the Three Bohemian Sisters (1682). All lay in the region between Elk River and the Delaware. Bohemia Manor was the tract in present Maryland between Bohemia River (and Great Bohemia Creek) and Back Creek, Little Bohemia that between Great and Little Bohemia Creek, the Three Bohemia Sisters a tract north of Back Creek, and St. Augustine, the tract in present Delaware east of Bohemia Manor and extending from St. George's Creek or the present line of the Chesapeake and Delaware Ca.n.a.l southward to Appoquinnimink or perhaps Blackbird Creek. The tract which the Labadists afterward purchased lay in the southeast part of Bohemia Manor, east of the manor-house, and on the north side of Great Bohemia Creek. Their house was still standing a few years ago. Our travellers had gone down the Delaware River some fifteen miles from Newcastle, and were now near the present Port Penn, Delaware.]

_3d, Sunday._ The Englishmen left this morning at daylight, and after breakfast we determined also to leave, delivering a letter, which Ephraim had given us for his brother, to his wife. We started at nine o'clock, and followed a large broad wagon road, which Kasparus had made through the woods, from his house to his father's, who lived in the uppermost part of Maryland, that is, as high up as it is yet inhabited by Christians. This road is about twenty-two miles long, and runs almost due west, but a little more northerly than southerly.[226]

When we were about half way we met Kasparus on horseback with a cart, his wife having described him to us. We told him we had been to his house waiting for him, and had left a letter there for him from his brother. He regretted, he said, he had not known it and was not at home, but he hoped, and so did we, that we should be able to converse together on our return, and with this we pursued our respective roads.

It was very warm to-day, and we were all in a perspiration. We reached Augustynus Hermans[227] the father of these two brothers, about three o'clock. This Augustynus Hermans is a Bohemian, and formerly lived on the Manathans, and had possessed farms or plantations there, but for some reason, I know not what, disagreeing with the Dutch governor, Stuyvesant, he repaired to this place, which is laid down upon a complete map, which he has made of Maryland and Virginia, where he is very well acquainted, which map he has dedicated to the king. In consequence of his having done the people of these two countries a great service, he has been presented with a tract of land of about a thousand or twelve hundred acres, which he, knowing where the best land was, has chosen up here, and given it the name of Bohemia.[228]

It is a n.o.ble piece of land, indeed the best we have seen in all our journey south, having large, thick, and high trees, much black walnut and chestnut, as tall and straight as a reed.

[Footnote 226: In 1671 the New York authorities ordered those at Newcastle to clear one-half of a road from there to Augustine Herrman's plantation, the Marylanders having agreed to clear the other half. In a rare tract, _Copies of some Records and Depositions Relating to the Great Bohemia Manor_ (1721), Herrman van Barkelo, an elderly resident, describing the "old Highway Road or Delaware Path about Thirty eight Years ago," and giving some reminiscences of Ephraim Herrman about the same time (1683), when the deponent lived with the Labadists on Bohemia Manor, adds that as he then "travelled the ... Delaware Road, ... he observed the Trees marked or notched along the said Delaware Road Sides, that the Notches seemed to him to be made about Eight or Ten Years before that Time."]

[Footnote 227: See the Introduction, p. xvii. Augustine Herrman, born in Prague in 1608, seems to have resided at New Amsterdam most of the time from 1633 to 1659. In the latter year he was sent on an emba.s.sy into Maryland. His journal of that emba.s.sy is printed in _Narratives of Early Maryland_, in this series, pp. 309-333. From 1662 to his death in 1686 he lived on his estates in Maryland, already described, and was the great man of northeastern Maryland. His house stood till 1815, when it was destroyed by fire.]

[Footnote 228: Twenty thousand acres, rather, or perhaps twenty-four thousand. The map, one of the finest ever executed in English America in the seventeenth century, is ent.i.tled _Virginia and Maryland, As it is Planted and Inhabited this present Year 1670 Surveyed and Exactly Drawne by the Only Labour and Endeavour of Augustin Herrman Bohemiensis_. It was engraved by Faithorne. Only one copy is now known, that in the British Museum. A facsimile was lately published by Mr. P. Lee Phillips (Was.h.i.+ngton, 1911).]

It was, then, on this day and at this plantation, that we made our entry into Maryland, which was so named, I believe, in Queen Mary's time,[229] when it was discovered or began to be settled. It is a large territory, but has as yet no fixed boundaries, except only on the south where it is separated from Virginia by a straight line running westerly from ----[230] to the river. All north of this line is Maryland, and all south of it Virginia. On the east it is bounded by New Netherland, but that line is undefined; and on the north and west indefinitely by the Indians. It comprises four great provinces, as ----. The princ.i.p.al rivers are on the east side of the bay of ----.[231]

[Footnote 229: Queen Henrietta Maria, consort of Charles I.]

[Footnote 230: On the east side of Chesapeake Bay the line of division between Maryland and Virginia ran east from Watkins Point on the bay sh.o.r.e to the Atlantic. On the west side the boundary was the Potomac.]

[Footnote 231: Chesapeake.]

Maryland is considered the most fertile portion of North America, and it were to be wished that it was also the most healthy, though it is more healthy than its neighbor, Virginia, which has to give pa.s.sage by water through the great bay of ----,[232] to Maryland. It is also very rich in fish as well as in all kinds of water fowl. There are few Indians in comparison with the extent of country. When the English first discovered and settled Virginia and Maryland, they did great [wrong] to these poor people, and almost exterminated them.[233]

[Footnote 232: Chesapeake.]

[Footnote 233: The travellers had no first-hand knowledge of the subject, and their comment is without authentic value.]

To return to Augustine Hermans, he was sick when we arrived at his house.[234] We found there the three Englishmen before mentioned, who had left the house of Kasparus in the morning. They were about proceeding further on their journey. We delivered to Augustine a letter from his son Ephraim, and related to him how we had travelled with him from the Manathans, and how he was, which rejoiced him.

Becoming thus acquainted he showed us every kindness he could in his condition, as he was very miserable, both in soul and body. His plantation was going much into decay, as well as his body, for want of attention. There was not a Christian man, as they term it, to serve him; n.o.body but negroes. All this was increased by a miserable, doubly miserable wife;[235] but so miserable that I will not relate it here.

All his children have been compelled on her account to leave their father's house. He spoke to us of his land, and said he would never sell or hire it to Englishmen, but would sell it to us cheap, if we were inclined to buy. But we satisfied ourselves and him by looking at it then, hoping that we might see each other on our return. We were directed to a place to sleep, but the screeching of the wild geese and other wild fowl in the creek before the door, prevented us from having a good sleep, though it answered.

[Footnote 234: "My father is and has been all this winter extreme weakly." Ephraim Herrman to Secretary Matthias Nicolls, Newcastle, January 17, 1680.]