Patrick Henry Part 28

[439] Spencer Roane, MS.

[440] Fontaine, MS.

[441] Fontaine, MS.

[442] Fontaine, MS.

[443] Bancroft, ed. 1869, vi. 416-417.

[444] Elliot, _Debates_, iii. 455-456; 590-591.

[445] Spencer Roane, MS.

[446] Fontaine, MS.

[447] J. W. Alexander, _Life of A. Alexander_, 193; Howe, _Hist. Coll.

Va._ 221.

[448] Wirt, 402.

[449] Fontaine, MS.

[450] Meade, _Old Churches_, etc. ii. 12.

[451] Wirt, 387.

[452] Fontaine, MS.

[453] Fontaine, MS. Also Meade, _Old Churches_, etc. ii. 12; and Wm.

Wirt Henry, MS.

[454] MS. Certified copy.

[455] For example, D. Stuart's letter, in _Writings of Was.h.i.+ngton_, x.

94-96; also, _Jour. Va. House Del._ for Nov. 3, 1790.

[456] McRee, _Life of Iredell_, ii. 394-395.

[457] _Writings of Was.h.i.+ngton_, x. 560-561.

[458] _Writings of Was.h.i.+ngton_, x. 562-563.

[459] _Writings of Was.h.i.+ngton_, xi. 81-82.

[460] MS.

[461] Lee, _Observations_, etc. 116.

[462] Gibbs, _Administration of Was.h.i.+ngton_, etc. i. 337; see, also, Hamilton, _Works_, vi. 114.

[463] Jefferson, _Writings_, iv. 148.

[464] Entire letter in Wirt, 385-387.

CHAPTER XXII

LAST DAYS

The intimation given by Patrick Henry to his daughter, in the summer of 1796, that, though he could never again engage in a public career, he yet might be compelled by "some unlooked-for circ.u.mstance" to make "a transient effort" for the public safety, was not put to the test until nearly three years afterward, when it was verified in the midst of those days in which he was suddenly to find surcease of all earthly care and pain.

Our story, therefore, now pa.s.ses hurriedly by the year 1797,--which saw the entrance of John Adams into the presidency, the return of Monroe from France in great anger at the men who had recalled him, the publication of Jefferson's letter to Mazzei, everywhere an increasing bitterness and even violence in partisan feeling. In the same manner, also, must we pa.s.s by the year 1798,--which saw the popular uprising against France, the mounting of the black c.o.c.kade against her, the suspension of commercial intercourse with her, the summons to Was.h.i.+ngton to come forth once more and lead the armies of America against the enemy; then the moonstruck madness of the Federalists, forcing upon the country the naturalization act, the alien acts, the sedition act; then the Kentucky resolutions, as written by Jefferson, declaring the acts just named to be "not law, but utterly void and of no force," and liable, "unless arrested on the threshold," "to drive these States into revolution and blood;" then the Virginia resolutions, as written by Madison, denouncing the same acts as "palpable and alarming infractions of the Const.i.tution;" finally, the preparations secretly making by the government of Virginia[465] for armed resistance to the government of the United States.

Just seven days after the pa.s.sage of the Virginia resolutions, an eminent citizen of that State appealed by letter to Patrick Henry for some written expression of his views upon the troubled situation, with the immediate object of aiding in the election of John Marshall, who, having just before returned from his baffled emba.s.sy to Paris, was then in nomination for Congress, and was encountering a.s.saults directed by every energy and art of the opposition. In response to this appeal, Patrick Henry wrote, in the early part of the year 1799, the following remarkable letter, which is of deep interest still, not only as showing his discernment of the true nature of that crisis, but as furnis.h.i.+ng a complete answer to the taunt that his mental faculties were then fallen into decay:--

TO ARCHIBALD BLAIR.

RED HILL, CHARLOTTE, 8 January, 1799.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 28th of last month I have received. Its contents are a fresh proof that there is cause for much lamentation over the present state of things in Virginia. It is possible that most of the individuals who compose the contending factions are sincere, and act from honest motives. But it is more than probable, that certain leaders meditate a change in government. To effect this, I see no way so practicable as dissolving the confederacy. And I am free to own, that, in my judgment, most of the measures lately pursued by the opposition party, directly and certainly lead to that end. If this is not the system of the party, they have none, and act 'ex tempore.'

I do acknowledge that I am not capable to form a correct judgment on the present politics of the world. The wide extent to which the present contentions have gone will scarcely permit any observer to see enough in detail to enable him to form anything like a tolerable judgment on the final result, as it may respect the nations in general. But, as to France, I have no doubt in saying that to her it will be calamitous. Her conduct has made it the interest of the great family of mankind to wish the downfall of her present government; because its existence is incompatible with that of all others within its reach. And, whilst I see the dangers that threaten ours from her intrigues and her arms, I am not so much alarmed as at the apprehension of her destroying the great pillars of all government and of social life,--I mean virtue, morality, and religion. This is the armor, my friend, and this alone, that renders us invincible. These are the tactics we should study. If we lose these, we are conquered, fallen indeed. In vain may France show and vaunt her diplomatic skill, and brave troops: so long as our manners and principles remain sound, there is no danger. But believing, as I do, that these are in danger, that infidelity in its broadest sense, under the name of philosophy, is fast spreading, and that, under the patronage of French manners and principles, everything that ought to be dear to man is covertly but successfully a.s.sailed, I feel the value of those men amongst us, who hold out to the world the idea, that our continent is to exhibit an originality of character; and that, instead of that imitation and inferiority which the countries of the old world have been in the habit of exacting from the new, we shall maintain that high ground upon which nature has placed us, and that Europe will alike cease to rule us and give us modes of thinking.

But I must stop short, or else this letter will be all preface. These prefatory remarks, however, I thought proper to make, as they point out the kind of character amongst our countrymen most estimable in my eyes. General Marshall and his colleagues exhibited the American character as respectable. France, in the period of her most triumphant fortune, beheld them as unappalled. Her threats left them, as she found them, mild, temperate, firm. Can it be thought that, with these sentiments, I should utter anything tending to prejudice General Marshall's election? Very far from it indeed. Independently of the high gratification I felt from his public ministry, he ever stood high in my esteem as a private citizen. His temper and disposition were always pleasant, his talents and integrity unquestioned. These things are sufficient to place that gentleman far above any compet.i.tor in the district for Congress. But, when you add the particular information and insight which he has gained, and is able to communicate to our public councils, it is really astonis.h.i.+ng that even blindness itself should hesitate in the choice.... Tell Marshall I love him, because he felt and acted as a republican, as an American.... I am too old and infirm ever again to undertake public concerns.

I live much retired, amidst a multiplicity of blessings from that Gracious Ruler of all things, to whom I owe unceasing acknowledgments for his unmerited goodness to me; and if I was permitted to add to the catalogue one other blessing, it should be, that my countrymen should learn wisdom and virtue, and in this their day to know the things that pertain to their peace. Farewell.

I am, dear Sir, yours, PATRICK HENRY.[466]

The appeal from Archibald Blair, which evoked this impressive letter, had suggested to the old statesman no effort which could not be made in his retirement. Before, however, he was to pa.s.s beyond the reach of all human appeals, two others were to be addressed to him, the one by John Adams, the other by Was.h.i.+ngton, both asking him to come forth into the world again; the former calling for his help in averting war with France, the latter for his help in averting the triumph of violent and dangerous counsels at home.

On the 25th of February, 1799, John Adams, shaking himself free of his partisan counsellors,--all hot for war with France,--suddenly changed the course of history by sending to the Senate the names of these three citizens, Oliver Ellsworth, Patrick Henry, and William Vans Murray, "to be envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary to the French republic, with full powers to discuss and settle, by a treaty, all controversies between the United States and France." In his letter of the 16th of April declining the appointment, Patrick Henry spoke of himself as having been "confined for several weeks by a severe indisposition," and as being "still so sick as to be scarcely able to write this." "My advanced age," he added, "and increasing debility compel me to abandon every idea of serving my country, where the scene of operation is far distant, and her interests call for incessant and long continued exertion.... I cannot, however, forbear expressing, on this occasion, the high sense I entertain of the honor done me by the President and Senate in the appointment. And I beg you, sir, to present me to them in terms of the most dutiful regard, a.s.suring them that this mark of their confidence in me, at a crisis so eventful, is an agreeable and flattering proof of their consideration towards me, and that nothing short of an absolute necessity could induce me to withhold my little aid from an administration whose ability, patriotism, and virtue deserve the grat.i.tude and reverence of all their fellow citizens."[467]

Such was John Adams's appeal to Patrick Henry and its result. The appeal to him from Was.h.i.+ngton--an appeal which he could not resist, and which induced him, even in his extreme feebleness of body, to make one last and n.o.ble exertion of his genius--happened in this wise. On the 15th of January, 1799, from Mount Vernon, Was.h.i.+ngton wrote to his friend a long letter, marked "confidential," in which he stated with great frankness his own anxieties respecting the dangers then threatening the country:--

"It would be a waste of time to attempt to bring to the view of a person of your observation and discernment, the endeavors of a certain party among us to disquiet the public mind with unfounded alarms; to arraign every act of the administration; to set the people at variance with their government; and to embarra.s.s all its measures. Equally useless would it be to predict what must be the inevitable consequences of such a policy, if it cannot be arrested.

"Unfortunately,--and extremely do I regret it,--the State of Virginia has taken the lead in this opposition.... It has been said that the great ma.s.s of the citizens of this State are well-affected, notwithstanding, to the general government and the Union; and I am willing to believe it, nay, do believe it. But how is this to be reconciled with their suffrages at the elections of representatives, ... who are men opposed to the former, and by the tendency of their measures would destroy the latter?... One of the reasons a.s.signed is, that the most respectable and best qualified characters among us will not come forward.... But, at such a crisis as this, when everything dear and valuable to us is a.s.sailed; when this party hangs upon the wheels of government as a dead weight, opposing every measure that is calculated for defence and self-preservation, abetting the nefarious views of another nation upon our rights; ... when measures are systematically and pertinaciously pursued, which must eventually dissolve the Union, or produce coercion; I say, when these things have become so obvious, ought characters who are best able to rescue their country from the pending evil, to remain at home? Rather ought they not to come forward, and by their talents and influence stand in the breach which such conduct has made on the peace and happiness of this country, and oppose the widening of it?...

"I come, now, my good Sir, to the object of my letter, which is to express a hope and an earnest wish, that you will come forward at the ensuing elections (if not for Congress, which you may think would take you too long from home), as a candidate for representative in the General a.s.sembly of this Commonwealth.

"There are, I have no doubt, very many sensible men who oppose themselves to the torrent that carries away others who had rather swim with, than stem it without an able pilot to conduct them; but these are neither old in legislation, nor well known in the community. Your weight of character and influence in the House of Representatives would be a bulwark against such dangerous sentiments as are delivered there at present. It would be a rallying point for the timid, and an attraction of the wavering. In a word, I conceive it to be of immense importance at this crisis, that you should be there; and I would fain hope that all minor considerations will be made to yield to the measure."[468]

There can be little doubt that it was this solemn invocation on the part of Was.h.i.+ngton which induced the old statesman, on whom Death had already begun to lay his icy hands, to come forth from the solitude in which he had been so long buried, and offer himself for the suffrages of his neighbors, as their representative in the next House of Delegates, there to give check, if possible, to the men who seemed to be hurrying Virginia upon violent courses, and the republic into civil war. Accordingly, before the day for the usual March[469] court in Charlotte, the word went out through all that country that old Patrick Henry, whose wondrous voice in public no man had heard for those many years, who had indeed been almost numbered among the dead ones of their heroic days foregone, was to appear before all the people once more, and speak to them as in the former time, and give to them his counsel amid those thickening dangers which alone could have drawn him forth from the very borders of the grave.

When the morning of that day came, from all the region thereabout the people began to stream toward the place where the orator was to speak.

So widespread was the desire to hear him that even the college in the next county--the college of Hampden-Sidney--suspended its work for that day, and thus enabled all its members, the president himself, the professors, and the students, to hurry over to Charlotte court-house.