A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Vii Part 20

Some wedges of iron.

Margarites, and other low priced beads.

Some blue coral.

Some horse nails.

Linen cloth, princ.i.p.ally.

Basins of Flanders.

Some low priced red cloth, and kersies.

Dutch kettles with bra.s.s handles.

Some large engraved bra.s.s basins, like those usually set upon.

their cupboards in Flanders.

Some large pewter basins and ewers, graven.

Some lavers for holding water.

Large low priced knives.

Slight Flemish caskets.

Low priced Rouen chests, or any other chests.

Large pins.

Coa.r.s.e French coverlets.

Good store of packing sheets.

Swords, daggers, prize-mantles and gowns, cloaks, hats, red cans, Spanish blankets, axe heads, hammers, short pieces of iron, slight bells, low priced gloves, leather bags, and any other trifling articles you will.

[Footnote 282: This list is appended in Hakluyt's Collection, II.513. to the present voyage, and is therefore here retained, though several of the articles are scarcely intelligible.--E.]

SECTION VII.

_Notices of an intended Voyage to Guinea, in 1561[283]._

In 1561, a voyage was projected to Guinea by Sir William Gerard, knight, in conjunction with Messrs William Hunter, Benjamin Gonson, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Only one s.h.i.+p, the Minion, was to have gone, and seems to have been intended to a.s.sist and bring home the Primrose and Flower de Luce, then on the coast. The command of the Minion was to have been given to John Lok, probably the same person who made the Guinea voyage in 1554, already inserted. The adventurers sent the following articles of instruction to Mr Lok, dated 8th September 1561. But Lok declined undertaking the voyage for the following reasons, dated Bristol, 11th December 1561. 1. The Minion was so spent and rotten, as to be incapable of being put into a fit and safe condition for the voyage. 2. The season was too far gone to perform the voyage in safety. 3. He understood that four large Portuguese s.h.i.+ps were in readiness to intercept him. 4. It was quite uncertain that he should meet the Primrose, which would have completed her voyage before he could get to the coast, or would have been obliged to quit the coast by that time for want of provisions. It will be seen in the succeeding section, that the Minion actually proceeded on her voyage; on the 25th February 1562, and the unsuccessful events of that voyage fully justify the refusal of Lok.

[Footnote 283: Hakluyt, II. 514. Astl I. 176.--As this voyage did not take place, it is princ.i.p.ally inserted here for the sake of the instructions devised by the adventurers, for the conduct of the intended expedition--E.]

_Remembrance for Mr Lok, at his Arrival on the Coast of Guinea._

When G.o.d shall bring you upon the coast of Guinea, you are to make yourself acquainted, as you proceed along the coast, with all its rivers, havens and harbours or roadsteads, making a plat or chart of the same, in which you are to insert every place that you think material, all in their true elevations. You will also diligently inquire what are the commodities to be procured it the several places you visit, and what wares are best calculated for their markets.

As it is believed that a fort on the coast of Mina or the Gold Coast of Guinea, in the King of _Habaan's_ country, might be extremely useful, you are especially desired to consider where such a fort could be best placed, in which you will carefully note the following circ.u.mstances.

1. That the situation be adjoining to the sea on one side, so that s.h.i.+ps and boats may conveniently load and unload--2. What is the nature of the soil in its neighbourhood?--3. What wood or timber may be had, and in what manner it may be carried?--4. What victuals are to be procured in the country, and what kinds of our victuals are best calculated for keeping there?--5. The place must be strong by nature, or capable of being made strong at small expence, and of being afterwards defended by a small number of men.--6. How water is to be procured, if none is to be had on the ground where the fort is to stand, or at least near it?--7.

What help may be expected from the natives, either in building the fort, or in defending it afterwards?

You are to sound the King of Habaan at a distance as to the erection of a fort in his country, taking notice how he relishes the proposal; yet you will so manage your communication with him that he may not understand your meaning, although there may seem good cause for its erection.

You will search the country as far as you can, both along the coast and into the interior. You will likewise use your endeavours to learn what became of the merchants who were left at Benin. In all other important matters worthy of notice, we have no doubt that you will diligently inquire and report to us, which we leave to your good discretion. We also request, that you will aid and a.s.sist our factors on all occasions, both with your advice and otherwise; and thus G.o.d send you safely to return.

SECTION VIII.

_Voyage to Guinea in 1562, written by William Rutter_[284].

This relation is said by Hakluyt to have been written by _one_ William Rutter, to his master Anthony Hickman, being an account of a voyage to Guinea in 1562, fitted out by Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Thomas Lodge, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Three of these are named in the preceding section as adventurers in the voyage proposed to have gone under John Lok, and two of those former adventurers are here omitted, while two others seem now to have supplied their places, yet it appears to have been the same adventure, as the Minion was the s.h.i.+p employed, notwithstanding the unfavourable report made of her by Lok.

But it would appear that the Primrose was likewise of this voyage, as this relation is contained in a letter from Rutter to his master, dated on board the Primrose, 16th of August 1563.--E.

[Footnote 284: Hakluyt, II. 516. Astley, I. 177.]

Wors.h.i.+pful Sir,--My duty remembered, this shall serve to inform you of our voyage, since our departure from Dartmouth on the 25th February 1562, of which I then gave you notice. Having prosperous wind, we arrived at Cape Verd on the 20th of March, whence we sailed along the coast, to our first appointed port at Rio de Sestos, where we arrived on the morning of the 3d April. We here saw a French s.h.i.+p, which immediately made sail to leeward, and we came to anchor in the road.

While we merchants were on sh.o.r.e engaged in traffic, the French s.h.i.+p returned and hailed [_saluted_] our s.h.i.+p with his ordnance. We were informed by the negroes that the Frenchman had been trading there for three days before our arrival, and we concluded, if he sent his boat on sh.o.r.e again for trade, that we would not suffer him till we had conferred with his captain and merchants. Accordingly his pinnace came on sh.o.r.e in the afternoon, but we desired them not to trade till we had spoken with their captain and merchants, whom we desired might come that night on board our admiral for that purpose. They did so accordingly, when Mr Burton and John Munt went on board the Minion, where the Frenchmen were, and it was determined that they should wait eight days beside us, allowing us to trade quietly the while. They were much dissatisfied with this arrangement, and sailed next morning eastwards to the Rio de Potos, on purpose to hinder our trade on the coast.

In consequence of this the merchants, both of the Minion and our s.h.i.+p, determined to go on before them, understanding that no other s.h.i.+ps had gone that way before this season, and that our trade might not be interrupted by the French s.h.i.+p. We did so accordingly, and found the Frenchman trading to the westward at Rio de Potos, on which we pa.s.sed them, and came to Rio de Potos on the 12th of April, where we remained trading till the 15th, when we departed with the Primrose for the river St Andrew, where we agreed to wait for the Minion. We arrived at that river on the 17th, and the Minion came to us that same day, saying that they had met with a great s.h.i.+p and a caravel, belonging to the king of Portugal, off cape Palmas, bound for the Mina, which had chased them, and shot many guns at them, which the Minion had returned in her defence. G.o.d be praised the Minion had no harm at that time. We then concluded to hasten to cape Three-points, to endeavour to intercept them on their way to the castle. We lay to off the cape for two days and a night, and suspecting they were past, the Minion went in sh.o.r.e and sent her boats to a place called _Anta_, where we had formerly traded. Next morning, the 21st of April, we again saw the s.h.i.+p and caravel to seaward, when we immediately made sail, endeavouring to get between them and the castle, but to our great grief they got to the castle before us, when they shot freely at us and we at them, but as they had the aid of the castle against us we profited little.

We set sail in the afternoon, and came to the town of Don Juan, called _Equi_, where, on the morning of the 22d, we went ash.o.r.e to trade: But the negroes refused till they should hear from Don Luis the son of Don Juan, who was now dead. On the 23d Don Luis and Pacheco came to Equi, intending to trade with us; but two gallies came rowing along sh.o.r.e from the castle of Mina, meaning to interrupt our trade. We made sail on the 24th, and chased the gallies back to the castle, at which the negroes were much pleased; but they desired us to proceed to _Mowre_, about three leagues farther on, where they promised to follow us, being in fear of the Portuguese. We did so, and remained there waiting for the merchants who were coming with gold from the country, but Antonio, the son of Don Luis, and Pacheco were on board the Minion. In the morning of the 25th the two gallies came again from the castle, the weather being very calm, and shot at us, hitting us three times. Shortly after the land-wind sprung up, at which time we observed the great s.h.i.+p and the caravel making towards us, on which we weighed and made sail to attack them; but it was night before we could get up with them, and we lost sight of them in the night. While returning towards the coast next night we agreed to proceed to Cormantin; and next morning, the 28th, we found ourselves very near the large s.h.i.+p and the two gallies, the caravel being close in-sh.o.r.e. It being very calm, the two gallies rowed towards the stern of the Minion, and fought with her most part of the forenoon.

During the engagement a barrel of powder blew up in the steward room of the Minion, by which misfortune the master-gunner, the steward, and most of the gunners were sore hurt. On perceiving this, the gallies became more fierce, and with one shot cut half through the Minions foremast, so that she could bear no sail till that were repaired. Soon after this, the great s.h.i.+p sent her boat to the gallies, which suddenly withdrew.

After their departure we went on board the Minion to consult what was best to be done: As the Minion was sore discomfited by the accident, and as we knew the negroes durst not trade with us so long as the gallies were upon the coast, it was agreed to return to the Rio Sestos. In the morning of the 14th of May we fell in with the land, and being uncertain whereabout we were, the boats were sent on sh.o.r.e to learn the truth, when it was found to be the Rio Barbas. We remained there taking in water till the 21st, and lost five of our men by the Hack pinnace over-setting. Departing on the 22d, we came to the Rio Sestos on the 2d of June. We again set sail on the 4th, and arrived this day, the 6th of August, within sight of the Start Point in the west of England, for which G.o.d be praised. We are very side and weak, not having above twenty men in both s.h.i.+ps, able for duty. Of our men 21 have died, and many more are sore hurt or sick. Mr Burton has been sick for six weeks, and is now so very weak that, unless G.o.d strengthen him, I fear he will hardly escape. Your wors.h.i.+p will find inclosed an abstract of all the goods we have sold, and also of what commodities we have received for them; reserving all things else till our meeting, and to the bearer of this letter.

In this voyage there were brought home, in 1563, 166 elephants teeth, weighing 1758 libs, and 22 buts full of grains, or Guinea pepper.

SECTION IX.

_Supplementary Account of the foregoing Voyage_ [285]

An account of the preceding voyage to Guinea in 1563, of which this section is an abstract, was written in verse by Robert Baker, who appears to have been one of the factors employed by the adventurers. It is said to have been written in prison in France, where he had been carried on his subsequent voyage, which forms the subject of the next section, and was composed at the importunity of his fellow traveller and fellow-prisoner, Mr George Gage, the son of Sir Edward Gage. Of this voyage he relates nothing material, except a conflict which happened with the negroes at a certain river, the name of which is not mentioned; neither does the foregoing relation by Rutter give any light into the matter. But from the circ.u.mstance of the s.h.i.+p commencing her return for England immediately after this adventure, it must have happened at the river Sestos or Sestre, which was the last place they touched at, and where they staid three days, as stated both in this and the proceeding narratives.--Astl. I. 179.

[Footnote 285: Astley, I. 179. Hakluyt, II. 518.]

In the versified relation, which is to be found at large in the last edition of Hakluyts Collection, London, 1810, Vol. II. p.518-523, he complains of being detained in a French prison, against all law and right, as the war between England and France was concluded by a peace.

The account given of this conflict with the negroes is to the following effect--E.

One day while the s.h.i.+p was at anchor on the coast of Guinea, Baker ordered out the small pinnace or boat, with nine men well armed, to go on sh.o.r.e to traffic. At length, having entered a river, he saw a great number of negroes, whose captain came to him stark naked, sitting in a canoe made of a log, _like a trough to feed hogs in_. Stopping, at some distance, the negro chief put water on his cheek, not caring to trust himself nearer till Baker did the like. This signal of friends.h.i.+p being answered, and some tempting merchandize being shewn him, the chief came forward and intimated by signs, that he would stand their friend if some of these things were given him. He was gratified, and many things given to others of the natives. After trading all day with the negroes, Baker returned at night to the s.h.i.+p, carrying the chief along with him, where he clothed him and treated him kindly. In return the chief promised by signs to freight them in a day or two. While on board, Baker observed that the chief took much notice of the boat which was left astern, of the s.h.i.+p loaded with goods; yet not suspecting he had any ill design, no farther care or precaution was taken of the boat.

Next morning the chief was carried on sh.o.r.e, and trade or barter went on with the negroes as on the day before; and at the return of Baker to the s.h.i.+p, the boat was fastened to the stern, and the goods left in her as usual. In the night the negro captain came with two or three canoes, and was noticed by the watch to be very busy about the boat. On giving the alarm, the negroes fled; but on hoisting up the boat, all the goods were carried of. Vexed at being so tricked, the English went next morning up the river to the negro town, in order to recover their goods; but all their signs were to no purpose, as the negroes would neither understand them nor acknowledge the theft. On the contrary, as if wronged by the charge, and resolved to revenge the affront, they followed the English down the river in 100 canoes, while as many appeared farther down ready to intercept their pa.s.sage. In each canoe were two men armed with targets and darts, most of which had long strings to draw them back again after they were thrown.

Being hard pressed, they discharged their arquebuses upon the negroes, who leapt into the water to avoid the shot. The English then rowed with all their might to get to sea; but the negroes getting again into their canoes, pursued and overtook them. Then drawing near, poured in their darts with accurate aim. The English kept them off with their pikes and halberts, and many of the negroes being slain or wounded by the English arrows and hail-shot from the arquebuses, they retreated. But when the English had expended all their arrows, the negroes came on again, and made many attempts to board the boat. The negro chief, who was a large tall man, advanced in his canoe under cover of his target, with a poisoned dart in his hand, in order to board; and as he pressed forward, the masters-mate thrust a pike through his target and throat, which dispatched him. While the mate was striving to disengage his pike, which stuck fast in the s.h.i.+eld, he was wounded by a dart; yet drew the dart from his flesh and killed with it the negro who had wounded him. The enemy continued the fight closer than ever, and did great mischief with their darts, which made wide and grievous wounds. The gunner received two desperate wounds, and lost a great deal of blood, and the brave masters-mate, while standing firmly in his post, was struck through the ribs by a dart, on pulling out which his bowels followed, and he fell down dead. On perceiving this, the negroes gave a great shout, and pressed to enter the boat where the mate had stood, imagining as so many of the English were wounded they would now soon yield. But four of those remaining in the pinnace kept them off with their pikes, while the other four at the oars made the best of their way to sea.

At length they got out of the river, and the negroes retired having expended all their darts. This was fortunate for the English, as six of the remaining eight were desperately wounded, one of whom was Robert Baker, the author of this narrative, and only two remained who were able to handle the oars, so that they made very slow progress to the s.h.i.+p, which appears to have been four leagues from the sh.o.r.e. When they got on board they were all so faint that none of them were able to stand. After having their wounds dressed they refreshed themselves; but as Robert Baker had more occasion for rest than food he went to bed, and when he awoke in the morning the s.h.i.+p was under sail for England.

SECTION X.