The Freedom of Science Part 13

When, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the thirst for knowledge, stronger than at any time in history, made itself felt in the Christian countries of Europe, there were erected in the universities great international homes of science, so as to gratify the deeply felt need of education. And thousands hastened to these places to acquire the knowledge of the period, overcoming all difficulties, then much greater than now. A recent writer remarks about this not without reason: "The academic instruction met on part of the thronging thousands with a psychic disposition more favourable than at any other time. In a way it was here a case of first love" (_W. Muench_, Zukunftspaedagogik, 1908, 337). At the universities of the Middle Ages there were taught theology, ecclesiastical and civil law, the liberal arts, and medicine. But not in the manner that all four faculties were everywhere represented. Theology especially was quite frequently lacking, though the aim was to have all sciences represented. What since the beginning of the thirteenth century was first of all understood by a university were _studia generalia_-then the usual name for universities, in contradistinction to _studium particulare_.

Universities enjoyed the privilege of having their academic degrees honoured everywhere, and their graduates could teach anywhere. The universities were of an international character. Hence it happened that at the German universities there were sitting in quest of knowledge by the side of Germans also foreign youths, from Scotland, Sweden, and Norway, from Italy and France, all contending for academic honours-a moment which unquestionably contributed in no small degree to the improvement of education.

Prior to the Reformation, universities were not state inst.i.tutions, as they are at present in Europe, but free, independent corporations. They were complete in themselves, they made their own statutes, had their own jurisdiction, and many other privileges. The modern university enjoys but a small remnant of those ancient prerogatives. In a public speech, made in the presence of the Duke of Saxony, the Leipsic professor, _Johann Kone_, could say in 1445: "No king, no chancellor, has any right to interfere with our privileges and exemptions; the university rules itself, and changes and improves its statutes according to its needs" (_Janssen_, 1.

c. 91).

Up to the year 1300 there were no less than 23 universities established in Italy, 5 in France, 2 in England, 4 in Spain, and 1 in Portugal. "Had all intentions been realized, Europe would have had by the year 1400 no fewer than 55 universities, including Paris and Bologna. But of 9 of them there are extant only the charter deeds that were never executed. At any rate, there were 46 of them, of which 37 or 39 existed at the turn of the fourteenth century; a considerable number, which was not known till recent years" (_Denifle_). Germany, Austria, and Hungary shared in 8: Prague, Cracow, Vienna, Fuenfkirchen, Ofen, Heidelberg, Cologne, and Erfurt.

Within fifty years, from 1460 to 1510, no less than 9 universities were founded in Germany-a clear proof of the generous enthusiasm for science of that period.

By their fostering and founding of universities, secular princes have won the lasting grat.i.tude of posterity, and so have the munic.i.p.alities of a later period for showing an even greater zeal than those princes. But it was indisputably the Church that bestowed upon these homes of learning and culture the greatest benevolence and support for their foundation and maintenance.

In the first place, history shows that the majority of them were founded by _Papal charters_. Since universities were understood to have the power of conferring degrees of international value, they had to be universally acknowledged; this could be effected only by an authority of universal recognition; hence by the Roman-German Emperor-as the supreme prince of the world-wide Christian monarchy, or by the Pope, who was considered in the first place. He was the general Father and Teacher of Christendom; this is why Papal charters were so zealously sought after, in addition to imperial charters. Of the 44 universities called into existence before the year 1400, 31 were founded by Papal charters. A similar condition prevailed in the fifteenth century and afterwards, up to the Reformation.

This was no interference in foreign affairs: such an interpretation would have caused just surprise in the Middle Ages. That the highest spiritual power on earth should have the first claim in education was a matter of general concession. And certainly the manner in which the Church made use of this right, to speak with an historian of the universities, forms "one of the most important, and by no means least inglorious, parts of an activity so manifold and difficult" (_V. A. Huber_, Die Englischen Universitaeten, I, 1839, p. 14).

These Papal charters breathe a warm _benevolence_ for science. Everywhere we find the wish expressed, that studies thrive in those places which are most suitable for the effectual spread of science, and that the different countries have a sufficient number of scientifically trained men.

Read, for instance, the charter given by Pope _Boniface VIII._ to Pamiers and Avignon, or the Letter of Privileges granted to Coimbra by _Clement V._ (apud _Denifle_, 793, 524), or _Pius II.'s_ Bull founding the university of Basle. The Pope says here about the aim of science: "Among the various blessings to which man may by the grace of G.o.d attain in this mortal life, the last place is not to be given to persevering study, by which man may gain the pearl of the sciences, which point out the way to a good and happy life, and by their excellence elevate the learned men above the uneducated. Science makes man like to G.o.d, and enables him to clearly perceive the secrets of the world. It aids the unlearned, it elevates to sublime heights those born in the lowliest condition." "For this reason the Holy See has always promoted the sciences, given them homes, and provided for their wants, that they might flourish, so that men, well directed, might the more easily acquire so lofty a human happiness, and, when acquired, share it with others." This was the longing desire that led to the opening at Basle of "a plentiful spring of science, of whose fulness all those may draw who desire to be introduced into the study of the mysteries of Scripture and learning." Even prior to this, the same Pope had written to the Duke _Louis of Bavaria_: "The Apostolic See desires the widest possible extension of science," which, "while other things are exhausted by dissemination, is the only thing that expands the more the greater the number of those reached by it" (apud _Janssen_, 1. c, p. 89).

But the Church was not satisfied with granting charters. She also gave very _substantial material aid_ to most of the universities. The Popes maintained two universities at Rome, one of them connected with the Papal Curia, a sort of court-school. It was founded by _Innocent IV._, in order that the many who came to the Papal court from all parts of Christendom might satisfy also their thirst for knowledge. Theology, law, especially civil law, medicine, and languages, including Oriental languages, were taught there. Besides this there was another university at Rome, founded by _Boniface VIII._ for a similar purpose: it did not flourish long, though in 1514 it counted no less than eighty-eight professors. Many attempts to found or support universities would have proved abortive had not the Popes provided for the salaries of professors by prebends and stipends, and by allotting to that end a portion of the income of priests and churches. Bishops, too, proved themselves zealous patrons of the universities (_Paulsen_, Gesch. des gelehrten Unterrichts, 2d ed., I, 1898, p. 27).

Thus, to cite a few examples of German universities, there was in 1532, with the consent of the Archbishop _Arnest_, a contribution raised by the clergy for the endowment of the university of Prague, to which the various cloisters and chapters, especially those at Prague, contributed. With the money thus raised the Archbishop purchased property, the income from which was to provide salaries for the professors. Twelve professors received from _Urban V._ the canonicates of the church of All Saints (_Denifle_, 598). Erfurt university was given 4 canonicates, Cologne 11, Greifswald still more. Similarly Tuebingen, Breslau, Rostock, Wittenberg, and Freiburg were cared for (_Kaufmann_, Die Gesch. der Deutschen Universitaeten, II, 1896, p. 34, _seq._).

Vienna found a benefactor in the pastor of Gars, who on October 13, 1370, founded a purse for 3 sublectors and 1 scholar.

Heidelberg received 10 canonicates. Its great benefactor was the learned _Johann von Dalberg_, first curator of the university, and later Bishop of Worms. Under him Heidelberg reached the zenith of its l.u.s.tre, and laid the foundation of almost all that has won it the reputation it at present enjoys. By his co-operation the first chair of Greek was founded; to him the foundation of the college library is due, which later on gained world-wide fame under the name of "Palatina." He further collected a private library, rich in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew books, the use of which was open to all scientists. "The Rhenish Literary Society" attained its greatest prominence under his direction (_Janssen_, 1. c.

100-105). Ingolstadt, too, obtained its needed income by the donation of rich church-prebends, to such an extent that the "endowments netted the university about 2,500 florins," a very large sum for that time (_Kaufmann_, 1. c. 38). _Prantl_ also admits in regard to Ingolstadt: "The Papal Curia did its best to furnish the university" (Gesch. der Ludwig-Maximilian in Ingolstadt, 1872, I, 19, apud _Janssen_, 1. c. p. 9).

It is true, the Church then owned much property. But it is just as true that she was ever ready to support science and colleges out of this property. Pope and clergy were also taking incessant pains to make it possible for _poor students_ to attend the university, not only for theological students, but for those of all the faculties, to give an opportunity to rich and poor alike to enjoy the advantages of higher education. Stipends and legacies of this kind are numerous. Even in our own days many a son of an _alma mater_ owes the stipend he enjoys to endowments made by the Church. In the course of time there were established at most of the universities so-called _colleges_ for the purpose of offering shelter and maintenance to poor students.

These colleges contributed essentially to the flouris.h.i.+ng condition of the university. Thus _Albrecht v. Langenstein_ suggested, at the founding of Vienna university, to the Duke, _Albrecht of Austria_, the establishment of such colleges, inasmuch as the continuance of the university was dependent on them, and stated that Paris owed its prosperity to them (_Denifle_, 624).

The Popes set here the best example. _Zoen_, Bishop of Avignon, had provided in his testament that eight students from the province of Avignon should be maintained at Bologna by his successors from their estates at Bologna. These estates, however, were sold later on. _John XXII._ then interfered in favour of the students injured thereby and annulled the deed of purchase. The income was set aside and increased to an amount sufficient for thirty scholars; later on the Pope endeavoured to raise their number to fifty. At the same celebrated academy, which, next to Paris, had long been a beacon of science sought from near and afar, _Urban V._ founded a home for poor students and directed the appropriation of 4,000 gold ducats a year for it. From June 16, 1367, to June 15, 1368, the home received an appropriation of 5,908 ducats in gold and 155 baskets of cereals. His successor, _Gregory XI._, set himself to the task of completing the work begun. Out of the income of the Church he ordered appropriated in the future 1,500 ducats a year for thirty students, of whom one half were to study Canon Law, the other half Civil Law. He then decreed the purchase of a home for 4,500 ducats in gold, and ordered to pay out immediately 4,000 florins in gold for the next school year. Besides the college named, _Urban V._ had founded one at Montpellier for medical students, and another, which had its seat at first at Trets, later at Monosque. During his pontificate this Pope maintained no less than 1,000 students at various inst.i.tutions. Toulouse also had several colleges for poor students, founded by high princes of the Church. In the year 1359 _Innocent VI._ devoted his own home at Toulouse with all its possessions and its entire income to twenty poor students, ten of whom were to study Canon Law and ten Civil Law. For their further maintenance he ordered given to them, besides other things, 25,000 florins in gold "manualiter" (_Denifle_, 213 _seq._, 308 _seq._, 339).

Finally, nearly all universities, whether they owed their existence to ecclesiastical or civil power, received many and far-reaching _privileges_ from the Popes. Not the least one was for clerical students the dispensation to free them from the requirement of residence for the enjoyment of their benefices, which made it possible for them to study in remote university towns, where they were free to study not only theology, but other sciences as well. This dispensation was quite common.

Furthermore, the Popes protected in the most energetic way the universities in their privileges and freedom every time they were applied to for aid.

This happened, for instance, at Bologna. The students there had their free guilds. The munic.i.p.al authorities began to restrict their privileges by forbidding native students under heavy penalties to study outside of Bologna, which was later on extended to the alien students. The professors sided with the city.

_Honorius III._ in 1220 called upon the latter to repeal those statutes; if they wanted to confine the students to the city, it should be done by clemency, not with severity and coercion. The city relented. But we see again in 1224 the students appeal, for the third time since 1217, to the Pope, begging for protection.

The tension had grown; the city was actually beginning to use force. _Honorius_ sharply rebuked the city for this action, threatening excommunication if the authorities continued to suppress freedom. The city yielded completely, and the freedom of the students was saved, thanks to their protector. Later on the Popes had to interfere again. _Clement V._ had already ordered the Bishops to protect the students at Bologna. His successor, _John XXII._, received complaints that privileges of students in Italy were being violated by authorities and citizens of the city.

Against the Podesta of Bologna especially complaints were made.

The Pope, in 1321 and 1322, bade the Bishops and Archbishops to take measures against those who _directe et indirecte impedire dieuntur, ne ad praedictum studium valeant declinare contra apostolica et imperialia privilegia_. He appointed at Bologna a special protector and conservator of the university. Some years after, when the Podesta declined to take the _juramentum de observandis statutis ejusdem studiis factis et faciendis_, he was commanded to take the oath.

At Orleans there was a flouris.h.i.+ng law school; especially its _jus civile_ was famous. Professors and students were granted by _Clement V._ the privilege of an autonomous university with the right of free corporation, with the power to suspend lectures in case they could get no satisfaction for any wrong done them. These privileges were a thorn in the eye of the city; its citizens even allowed violence to be done the university. Then _Philip the Fair_ interfered, but in a way which indicates that he did not know sufficiently the university life of the Middle Ages. Moreover, he annulled the granted free fellows.h.i.+p, and put professors and the students under civil supervision. But this was not tolerated in those days. The king had at the same time given many privileges, but they were disregarded. In 1316 professors and students left Orleans and the university ceased to exist. The first act of _John XXII._ upon ascending the Papal throne was to restore this school, the French king himself having begged his support in the matter.

The king's suggestion to take the privilege of free fellows.h.i.+p from the professors and students was rejected by the Pope. The Pope reaffirmed all privileges granted to the university, whereupon the professors and students returned, to inaugurate the most brilliant epoch of their college.

Considering these facts, one may subscribe to the judgment of _Denifle_ which he p.r.o.nounces at the conclusion of his thorough treatise on the universities of the Middle Ages: "So far as the foundation of the universities can be spoken of, its merit belongs to the Popes, to secular rulers, clergy, and laity. But that the lion's share belongs to the Popes every one must admit who has followed my presentment, which is exclusively based on doc.u.ments, and who examines history with impartiality" (Ib. 792 _seq._). Even _Kaufmann_, who is very unfavourably disposed towards the Church, cannot deny that "numerous Popes have shown warm interest for the fostering of sciences during those centuries, and were for the most part themselves prominent representatives of science" (Ib. 403).

That the mediaeval universities in some points, though not in all, were inferior to modern universities, was not their fault. No good judge of human conditions could expect it to be otherwise. The experience and efficiency of the mature man is not attained at once, but only after the exertions and experiments made by him during the period of youth and development. At a time when all the experiences in the field of school legislation, which are the property of the present day, had yet to be collected, when the relation between lower and higher schools had not been regulated in all respects, at that time it was not possible to be in the position we are in to-day. Future critics of our times will see in our present educational systems many gross defects, which often are not hidden even to our own eyes. But it would be arrogance for them to belittle our efforts, the fruits of which they will once enjoy without any merit on their part. The university of yore conformed to the educational purposes of that period; it was the focus of intellectual life, perhaps to a larger degree than is the case to-day. This suffices. Moreover, the number of professors was quite considerable, that of the students even more so. In Bologna in 1388 the number of professors was 70, not including the theologians, among them 39 jurists; in Piacenza there were from the years 1398 to 1402 71 professors; among them were 27 teachers of Roman law and 22 teachers of medicine (_Denifle_, 209, 571).

In regard to the zeal displayed by the Church in promoting universities, it might be objected that she was caring in the first place for _theology_, not for the other sciences, and that the universities then had chiefly been established for theological students. This, however, is not the case. The universities especially favoured by the Popes were first of all law schools, chiefly of civil law, or medical schools. Those at Bologna, Padua, Florence, and Orleans were princ.i.p.ally law schools; in Italy, in general, chief attention was paid to jurisprudence, particularly to Roman law. Montpellier was essentially a medical college; it attained during the thirteenth century preponderance even over Salerno. The a.s.sertion has been made that the vigorous life at this medical college was owing to its independence of Rome (_Haeser_, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medizin, 1, 655. Cfr. _Denifle_, 342). But _Denifle_ has proved that "clerical organs have been the moving spirits of the medical college at Montpellier."

Nor did the Papal charter deeds exclude any profane science. The common formula, which always prevails, authorizes to teach indiscriminately _in jure canonico et civili necnon in medicina et qualibet alia licita facultate_. Only one science was frequently excepted, and that was just theology. Of the forty-six high schools that had been established up to the year 1400, about twenty-eight, therefore nearly two-thirds, excluded by their charter the teaching of theology. At first a number of universities sprang up merely as law schools, others as medical schools, and there was then no need to include the science of theology in the schedule of studies. Furthermore, Paris was ever since the twelfth century looked upon as the home and the natural place for theology (_Denifle_, 703 f.). Hence the benevolence of the Church towards the universities was not merely determined by selfish interest.

Or was it, nevertheless? May the Church not have bestowed so much care on the homes of science in order to increase her own influence thereby, and also with an eye to the future? This a.s.sertion has been made. But this a.s.sertion is an injustice and it is against the testimony of history. The Popes very often issued their charter deeds only then, when request was made by worldly rulers and by the cities themselves. Hence there was no hurried self-a.s.sertion. And the Church has never denied the right to worldly powers to found their own high schools. The theologians of the thirteenth century expressedly declared it to be the duty of princes to provide for inst.i.tutions of learning (Cfr. _Thomas of Aquin_, De regimine principum, I, 13; Op. contra impug. relig. 3).

Thus up to the year 1400 nine high schools had received no charters at all, ten only imperial charters or charters from their local sovereigns. If the Popes had cared only about their influence, why then did they treat such colleges with the same benevolence? Spain's first college was founded at Paleneia in the years 1212-1214 by _Alfonso VIII._ without asking the Pope. When soon afterwards it was in trouble it was _Honorius III._ who aided _Alfonso's_ successor in restoring it, by a.s.signing some ecclesiastical income to its professors. When the college was nearly wrecked and Rome once more applied to for help, _Urban IV._ lent an aiding hand because he did not want _ut lucerna tanta claritatis in commune mutorum dispendium sic extincta remaneat_.

_Frederick II._ had founded a university of his own. When it failed it was _Clement IV._ who urged _King Charles_ of Anjou to re-establish it. _In eodem regno facias et jubeas hujusmodi studium reformari_ (_Denifle_, 478, 459). This is not the language and action of one who is only ruled by the pa.s.sion to spread his own influence, and not guided by benevolence for science.

But it is true, in supporting the higher schools the Church did not aim at science as its ultimate object; it was her view that science should serve the material welfare of man, but still more the highest ethical and religious purpose of life. This in general was the conception of the entire Middle Ages. At that time it would have been considered curious to seek a science ultimately for its own sake.

And the universities repaid the Church by grat.i.tude and devotion. The effort has been made to demonstrate that the modern separation of science from religion had already begun in the Middle Ages, and had showed itself everywhere; this tendency for autonomy "appeared at first only timidly and in manifold disguises" (_Kaufmann_, 14). How easy it is to find such disguises may be shown by an example. The university of Paris had after the death of _St. Thomas_ asked for his remains. _Kaufmann_ holds that the notion of the autonomy of science had found sharp expression in the memorandum wherein the university stated the motive of its request. Now how does this harmless doc.u.ment sound? "Quoniam omnino est indecens et indignum ut alia ratio aut locus quam omnium studiorum n.o.bilissima Parisiensis civitas quae ipsum prius educavit nutrivit et fovit et post modum ad eodem doctrinae monumenta et ineffabilia fomenta suscepit ossa ... habeat.... Si enim Ecclesia merito ossa et reliquias Sanctorum honorat n.o.bis non sine causa videtur honestum et sanctum tanti doctoris corpus in perpetuum penes nos habere in honore." Evidently the university requests the relic for itself, or rather for the Parisiensis civitas, not in opposition to the Church, but in opposition to other cities, altera natio aut locus. I wonder if the Parisian admirers of St. Thomas ever dreamed that they would one day be put in the light of forerunners of liberal science, because of their pious application for the bones of their great teacher? This is tantamount to carrying one's own idea into the fact.

_Denifle_, probably the most competent judge of the affairs of mediaeval universities, writes as follows: "If we weigh the different acts which suggest themselves to us in these various foundations, and if we compare them with one another, there is revealed to us, in the realm of history of the foundation of mediaeval universities, a wonderful harmony between Church and State, between the spiritual and material. This is the reason why the universities of the Middle Ages appear to us as the highest civil as well as the highest ecclesiastical teaching inst.i.tutions.

Fundamentally, they are the product of the Christian spirit which penetrated the whole, wherein Pope and Prince, clergy and laity, each held the proper position" (l. c. p. 795).

One consequence of this relation between the universities and the Church was that "they attained their greatest prosperity as long as the unity of Church and faith remained unimpaired, and that, at the time of the Reformation, they all sided with the Church with the exception of two, Wittenberg and Erfurt. Torn away from their ecclesiastical and established basis only by violent means, they were led to the new doctrine, but really succ.u.mbed to it only when their freedom had been curtailed and they had been reduced to state inst.i.tutions" (_Janssen_, l. c. p. 91). They had been, as the learned _Wimpheling_ wrote at the close of the sixteenth century, "the most favoured daughters of the Church, who tried to repay by fidelity and attachment what they owed to their Mother" (De arte impressoria, apud _Janssen_, l. c. 91).

A False Progress.

Hence history cannot subscribe to the accusation that the Church is the enemy of progress. How then does it happen that this accusation is made so frequently? The idea suggests itself that there may be here a different meaning given to the word "progress," that the Church opposes a certain kind of progress which her enemies call "the" progress. And this is the actual fact. If we examine the proofs which are to show the hostile att.i.tude of the Church, we meet at every step _Galileo_, the Copernican system, the Syllabus, and Index. But this appears only on the surface, which hides beneath it something that is easily overlooked by the cursory glance. And this is the precise definition of scientific and civilized progress. Progress has ever been an ideal of powerful attraction. The n.o.blest and best of men have ever displayed the most earnest endeavour onward and upward. In our times, however, this ideal comes forward differently garbed, in the name of the new view of the world, and resolutely censures as reactionary everything that will oppose it. What is this definition?

Since the _theory of evolution_ of _Lamarck_ and _Darwin_ entered biology, it has also more and more invaded other branches of science. The principle is now that everywhere, in the organic or inorganic world and in the whole province of human life there is a gradual growth and change-nothing permanent, nothing definite and absolute. Uninterrupted evolution hitherto; hereafter restless development; especially in the greatest good belonging to human life, thought, philosophy, and chiefly religion. Here, too, there are no forms nor dogmas which evolution in its continual development does not evolve and elevate. This idea of evolution is supplemented by subjectivism with its _relativism of truth_: all views, especially philosophical and religious "Truths," are no longer the reproduction of objectively existing things, but a creation of the subject, of his inner experience and feeling; hence each age must proceed to new thought of _its own_.

"The methods of scientific research," we are told, "are determined by the idea of evolution, and this applies not only to natural sciences but also to the so-called intellectual sciences,-history, philology, philosophy, and theology. The idea of evolution influences and dominates all our thoughts; without it progress in the field of scientific knowledge is quite impossible." We read, for instance, in the modern history of philosophy: "The rise and fall of a system is a necessary part of universal history; it is conditioned by the character of its time, the system being the understanding of that time, while this understanding of the time is conditioned by the fact that the time has changed." At _Roscellin's_ time the nominalists were intellectually inferior; but where there is question of undermining the militant Church of the Middle Ages the nominalists will be considered to have been the greater philosophers. In this the realists "by the futility of their struggle proved that the time for nominalism had arrived, hence that whoever favours it understands the time better; that is, more philosophically. After the beginning of the Renaissance we notice an attempt at philosophizing in such a way as to ignore the existence of divine wisdom taught by Christianity. The pre-Christian sages had done so: to philosophize in their spirit was therefore the task of the time, and those who had a better understanding of the time philosophized that way better than by the scholastic method; though their method may appear reactionary to unphilosophical minds" (_J. E. Erdmann_, Grundriss der Gesch.

der Philosophie, 3d ed., I (1878), 4, 262, 434, 502). This is a frank denial of any truth in philosophy: the more neological and modern a thing is, the more truth there is in it! Realism was right in _Roscellin's_ time, but a later period had to sweep it away. The Christian religion was right for the Middle Ages, but when the Greek authors began to be read again it was no longer modern.

Apostasy from the faith is considered a mark of progress. "Italian natural philosophy," we are told, "reached its pinnacle with _Bruno_ and _Campanella_, of whom the former, though the older, appears to be more progressive on account of his freer att.i.tude towards the Church" (_R. Falkenburg_, Gesch. der neueren Philosophie, 5th ed. (1905), page 30, _seq._). Hence evidently further development of Christianity, too, is demanded. According to subjectivistic views it was. .h.i.therto only an historical product of the human intellect: hence "onward to new and higher forms corresponding to modern thought and feeling, onward to a new Christianity without dogmas and authority!" "Break up those old tablets," spoke _Zarathustra_.

Such is progress in thought and science, for which the way must be opened.

That the immutable dogmas of Christianity, that the task of the Catholic Church to preserve revelation intact, are incompatible with it, that the Church appears reactionary, and as an obstacle to this progress, is now self-evident. Here we have the _deeper contrast between progress, in the anti-Christian sense, and the essence of Christianity_ in general, and, especially, of the _Catholic Church_.

"It is frankly admitted that the issue is the struggle between the two views of the world-between the Christian, conservative dogmatism and the anti-dogmatic evolutionary philosophy" (Neue Freie Presse, Jun. 7, 1908). Faith according to its very essence is immutable and stationary, science is essentially progressive: they had therefore to part in a manner which could not be kept a secret. "A divine revelation must necessarily be intolerant of contradiction, it must repudiate all improvement in itself" (_J.

Draper_, History of the Conflict between Religion and Science, VI). "The great opposition between the rigid dogmatism of the Roman Catholic Church and the ever progressing modern science cannot be removed" (Academicus, l. c. 362). So say the opponents of the Church.

There is no error, says _St. Augustine_, which does not contain some truth, especially when it is able to rule the thought of many. Hence its capacity to deceive. The same is true in the present case.