History of Linn County Iowa Part 61

In January, 1856, Governor Grimes wrote the call for the convention, which met at Iowa City on February 22d, which founded the republican party. In this convention there sat a number of Linn county persons who later became noted men in the party, and well known in the state.

The first presidential vote in Iowa was in the election in 1848, when Ca.s.s, the regular democratic nominee, received 12,083 votes, Taylor, whig, 11,084 votes, and Martin Van Buren, free soil democrat, 1,126 votes. In the election of 1852, which was quite exciting all over the country, and not least in Iowa, the popular votes for president were as follows: Franklin Pierce, democrat, 17,763, Winfield Scott, whig, 15,856, John P. Hale, free democracy, 1,704 votes. This vote would indicate that the democratic party still held the balance of power in the state, but the change in old party lines was apparent.

During the years up to 1856, a large number of pioneers had come into the state from Ohio, Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Michigan, as well as from the New England states, and bitter party feeling ran high. Many of the party leaders took the stump, and speeches were made in nearly all these settlements. Newspapers were established and an active campaign brought about. Politics was the topic of conversation at the country store, at the grist-mill, and at the country postoffices, and everyone felt that a change along party lines would be apparent. The vote in Iowa for president in 1856 was: John C. Fremont, republican, 43,954, James Buchanan, democrat, 36,170, Millard Fillmore, American party, 9,180. James W. Grimes, the candidate for governor on the Fremont ticket, was re-elected.

In this campaign the question of slavery was the main issue, and on this ground the newly organized republican party carried the day in Iowa. Iowa from this time was lost to the democrats, and they were unable to regain the lost ground by attempting to get away from the slavery issue. During the summer and fall of 1860 the campaign surpa.s.sed even the excitable campaign of four years previous. At the fall election Lincoln received 70,409 votes, S. A. Douglas, democrat, 55,111 votes, John Bell, 17,763 votes. J. C. Breckenridge, the regular democratic nominee, who aimed to carry slavery into the territory at any cost, received in this state only 1,048. The Douglas wing of the party "aimed to throw the responsibility of the slavery question upon the supreme court or upon the territories, or anywhere else, except upon the democratic party." Douglas had many admirers in this county, and he visited, in this campaign, Marion and Cedar Rapids, where people flocked to hear him, many of whom admired him, but there were few who could support his visionary schemes and many who doubted the outcome of his dubious platform. This year the republican state ticket received on an average a plurality of 13,670 votes. In this election the state had become one of the solid republican states, and has so continued. In the state campaign of 1861 S. J. Kirkwood carried the state in an exciting campaign over William H. Merritt, the regular democratic nominee. Mr.

Merritt had become a resident of this county, and hence received a large vote in his old home. Kirkwood had won over A. C. Dodge by a majority of 3,000 two years before, and was a popular candidate, a man of many strong traits of character. The Civil war was on and the people felt that they must sustain the policies of the party in power, and hence, perhaps, the popularity of the prospective candidates cut but little figure.

During one of these campaigns as Perry Oxley and Ambrose Harlan were seated discussing politics at the county seat one day, Harlan in his wrath accused Oxley of being a traitor to the government. This was too much for the irate Kentucky-born democrat, and he knocked Harlan down with a savage blow aimed at the fellow's head. There was a trial for a.s.sault and battery, to which Oxley pleaded guilty, and later Harlan brought an action for damages in the district court, which damages were paid pro-rata by the democrats over the county. Col. I. M. Preston defended Oxley and the outcome of the verdict in fact made the issues for the next campaign.

At commencement exercises at Mt. Vernon a general free-for-all fight occurred on account of some girls wearing copperhead pins. This matter also came into the courts, and county politics at least changed conditions, as party feelings ran high, and perhaps the ultimate motives of party politics were lost sight of, in these hand to hand contests waged near at home.

[Ill.u.s.tration: PUBLIC AND COMMERCIAL BUILDINGS IN CEDAR RAPIDS, 1910

St. Luke's Hospital Security Savings Bank Mercy Hospital Interior Library Masonic Temple Masonic Library and Annex Second Avenue Bridge High School Public Library]

During the early days Joel Leverich was a prominent political character in Linn county. He was called the "Bogus c.o.o.n," as it was claimed that he belonged to a gang of counterfeiters. However true that may he, no one knows, as he called himself a fellow who could make counterfeit money which would pa.s.s muster even in the land office. Leverich was a bright and intelligent person and wielded a great deal of influence as a sort of ward heeler before wards were organized in an early day, and it was frequently stated "that as Joel Leverich went, so went the county." Joel was not perhaps as interested in the political views of the candidates as he was in getting pay for his services and in having a promise of a pull with the officers if elected.

Bill Brody also wielded more or less influence in an early day in the county, and sometimes lined up with one party and sometimes with another. It was generally true, that if Leverich and his followers were all on one side, Brody and his companions would generally be opposed, and it was very seldom that both gangs were enlisted to work for the same political party in any one campaign.

At one time just preceding a county election, members of the two gangs met at the Joshua Glover saloon in Marion. All had been drinking, and it was not long until the street was full of people, there being fifteen to twenty on a side all engaged in a general free-for-all fight. No one tried to interfere, and blood flowed freely. While Bill Brody was the leader and perhaps the most active, his chum and follower, Barry Way, was the most powerful fighter, and is said to have cleaned out the entire gang and won the day. His political party was in power for a day at least.

While there was much disorder, and trouble arose on account of lack of enforcement of law and order, it would be apparent that if men were elected to office by the a.s.sistance and help of men of this type it was not surprising to hear that officials could not, or would not always carry out the provisions of the law. Ambrose Harlan, well known in an early day as a person who had nerve and considerable fight in him, came out as a candidate for sheriff on a platform all his own, claiming that "he would catch horse thieves, and would even serve a warrant on Bill Brody himself, leader of the notorious gang," referred to in these pages.

Harlan became an imaginary hero in the eyes of the people, and was elected by a large majority. For a long time after he had a.s.sumed the duties of his office there did not seem to be anything doing in his particular line. In fact the sheriff's office was the most deserted place at the county seat. It resembled a summer resort in winter time, and Harlan was about to resign for want of anything to do, for if there was anything Harlan loved it was a fight to a finish or a wordy contest with a political opponent. As sheriff there was nothing to do in either line, for people seemed for once to mind their own business.

At last, one morning a warrant was brought to the sheriff to be served on Brody, who had been charged with grand larceny of a team of horses.

Harlan's moment had come, and he prided himself on the fact that he would lodge Brody in jail before the next sun set. A few inquiries were made, and Brody was located in the Way cabin, some five or six miles east of Vinton. At Vinton Harlan organized a posse and started early next morning to catch the culprit before he would leave for the day.

They surrounded the cabin, Harlan fearing that the fellows had already escaped, but he ascertained that the smoke issuing from the cabin was only an indication that Mrs. Way was getting breakfast ready. He found Bill Brody and his chum Barry Way in bed. He was not long in making his errand known, and Brody replied. "Do you want me naked or will you give me time to put on my duds?" To which Harlan replied that as it was still early and he had all day, he would wait till the fellows dressed.

The men took considerable time in arranging their morning toilet, saying to one another that it might be a long time before they would get back, and that the trial court could do nothing without their presence, so there was no hurry. Harlan sat on a home-made rickety chair in one corner of the room, with a gun in his left hand and a hickory stick in the other, watching the two culprits, and recalling the old refrain, "Weep no mo' me lady," as he watched the poor mother Way walking about the room with tears in her eyes, wondering what her wayward son had been up to this time. Harlan kept special watch on Way, who was the athlete, not fearing Brody, who was a small person. As Harlan looked out at the tiny window to detect a certain noise he heard, Brody, nimble as a cat, was at his side in an instant. He wrung the hickory sapling out of the sheriff's hands and struck him a savage blow on the head so that the Linn county official was "dead to the world" for at least thirty minutes. The crowd outside were in hiding near a straw stack, and when they saw the two desperadoes come out of the cabin alone without any sheriff following, they took to their horses and rode away as fast as they could, never looking around till the town of Vinton was in sight.

When the sheriff realized what had happened, he was invited to breakfast by Mrs. Way, who said it might be a long time before her boarders would return. The sheriff would not accept the invitation, but asked instead for bandages for his head.

Harlan was asked on his return to the county seat, minus his prisoner, "Why didn't you take Bill when you had him?" Harlan replied, "How could I, when I had a gun in one hand and a hickory stick in the other, which he took away and rapped me over the head with, and when I came to my senses he wasn't there."

It was needless to say, that at the next election no one cared to enter the race on a strictly horse thief catching platform.

One of the most remarkable political contests ever waged in the county was that of N. M. Hubbard and William Smythe for congress in 1868.

Hubbard had been a sort of political dictator since the organization of the republican party. He had held the office of county judge for a short time, and had been appointed attorney for the Northwestern railway, and for this reason was a powerful factor in financial as well as in political circles. Hubbard was quarrelsome, impertinent, and out-spoken, and used to say, that he "loved a n.i.g.g.e.r more than he did a democrat." In his aspirations for office he was backed by many friends and admirers, such as the Weares, Elys, Carrolls, and Higleys in Cedar Rapids, and by most of the prominent Marion men, such as the Herveys, the Daniels families, Captain Rathbun, Major Thompson, and Bob Holmes.

The people of Marion were bitter against Hubbard, especially R. D.

Stephens, who had been Hubbard's partner for some time, which partners.h.i.+p ended in a row, the last formal dissolution of the partners.h.i.+p being to the effect that Hubbard said to Stephens that "he would not attend his funeral," to which the partner replied, "neither will I attend yours or ever darken your threshhold in any capacity."

Stephens by this time was a financial factor in the county and had many friends. It was thought that he should make the run against Hubbard, who had removed to Cedar Rapids, but the leaders of this faction of the party thought that a candidate must be selected who had been in the war, and thus the opponents of Hubbard selected William Smythe, who was a brother-in-law of Stephens, as the logical candidate to make the race. Smythe was an Irishman who had been an officer in the Civil war; was an eminent lawyer, a most affable gentleman, who had made a reputation for himself as a conservative and safe political leader.

In this canva.s.s Smythe was also backed by Robert Smythe, an older brother, who had been in the legislature, and was favorably known throughout the county. Stephens was the financial backer and the organizer of the Smythe faction. He was far-sighted, wielded considerable political and social influence, and used his money freely in this campaign to get even with Hubbard, if for no other reason. In this fight Stephens enlisted the service of a number of prominent democrats who were unfriendly to Hubbard. Everyone expected that Hubbard would win hands down, and carry Cedar Rapids and many of the county precincts. Smythe enlisted in his cause such men as Colonel Preston, Dr. Thos. Bardwell, J. H. Preston, S. W. Durham, James Brown, and many other democrats who were on the inside of this movement to dethrone the republican county boss. Smythe carried Marion towns.h.i.+p much to the surprise of the local leaders who had thought up to that time that everything was c.o.c.ked and primed for Hubbard.

The county went about half and half; both parties, of course, had expected a small majority. When the officers were selected and a contest came up to a show of hands, the convention stood a tie. The old court house was filled to overflowing, and many wordy contests took place outside as well as inside of the old dingy court room.

The afternoon pa.s.sed and neither side got ahead. Stephens was the active leader on the floor of the convention and knew more about parliamentary rules than anyone else. Still there were others in the convention on the Hubbard side who were no novices at the business of packing a convention.

An agreement had been made that the winner should select his own delegates, and it was conceded that whoever carried the county would carry the district. Neither faction dared to adjourn, and so the fight was kept up on motions of one kind and another with voting now and then to ascertain if the members had changed. They all "stood pat," and it has since been suggested that this must have been the first time the word standpatter was used in a political sense.

In the evening Dr. Thomas S. Bardwell moved about in the convention hall shaking hands with his professional brethren and others. He invited a stanch supporter of Hubbard from up the county, and a professional brother, into his postoffice and into a back room where he lived. They got into conversation and Bardwell knew that the man wanted a little for his stomach's sake, for he had traveled a long ways that morning and had had nothing to eat all day. Bardwell fully agreed with the country doctor that the air of a dingy court room was bad for the lungs, and that a life of that kind would certainly ruin the health of any man, however strong he might otherwise he. The country doctor took one and then another drink from the city man's private supply, and the Marion man was not one of the kind that refused even to take a drink with his country friend. The conversation moved much easier and more pleasant after the first few drinks, and Bardwell, to show that he was a good fellow, brought out a variety of liquor, such as would have made the mouth of a true Kentuckian smack in antic.i.p.ation. It was not long till the country pract.i.tioner forgot all about the convention and was "dead to the world." He was placed in the doctor's bed, the doors locked, and Bardwell hurried back to the court house, sending a note to Stephens to the effect that he must put the vote at once. Stephens did not know whether Bardwell was putting up a scheme on him or not, but he was about at the end with his objections and thought he would try just another vote and risk everything on a democrat's advice. Stephens withdrew his motion then pending and called for a vote by ballot. The Hubbard faction was glad of this opportunity, and as there were no objections the seesaw affair of balloting once more began.

When the votes were counted it was found that the Hubbard faction was one short. They counted and re-counted, and made the air blue with dire threats, wondering who had sold out, but no "Judas" could be found.

Finally it was discovered that the country delegate aforesaid was missing. It was thought that he had gone home or had been called away on professional business, but such was not the case. The aforesaid country delegate was not made aware of the real condition of things till the next morning when he awoke in the back room of the doctor's office wondering how he had gotten such fine quarters without any a.s.sistance from either side, as far as he knew.

The convention went wild over Smythe's victory and the city of Marion, regardless of party, was caught in this wave of enthusiasm, and the only topic of conversation for a long time afterwards was "how William Smythe won the fight."

The newspaper which gave the best write-up of this political contest, and the paper which did more for Smythe than any other political organ in the county, was the _Linn County Signal_, edited by a nephew of S.

W. Durham, by the name of Williams. The editorial writers, however, were such men as Dr. Thos. Bardwell, James Brown, S. W. Durham, Colonel I. M. Preston, and Judge J. H. Preston, who was just then beginning to learn the inside workings of politics. A tramp printer by the name of Tompkins came along some time before the convention occurred, out of money and out of work, and was employed on the paper. Tompkins looked and acted like a fool, but was in fact a genius. He could write better than the best of them, and knew shorthand as well. He reported the proceedings of this unique convention, and it is stated by all, regardless of party affiliations, that this write-up was the best of any political write-up of any convention before or since.

After Smythe had been duly nominated for congress, the democrats of Linn county refused to support the republican candidate any longer, as they were only acting in the capacity of beating Hubbard. William E.

Leffingwell, of Clinton, one of the silver-tongued orators of the west and an eminent man in many ways, was selected as the standard bearer of the democratic party to oppose Smythe. As Hubbard and his friends knifed Smythe on account of the action taken by Smythe's followers in the county convention, there was hope that a democrat might be elected.

The county democrats challenged Smythe to a joint debate, hoping that he would refuse to debate with a person much his superior. But Smythe accepted the challenge and it was decided that there should be three joint debates in the county, at Center Point, Marion, and Cedar Rapids.

The first joint debate was to be held at Center Point--a democratic stronghold--and Smythe and his followers drove over from Marion in large numbers, for they wanted to protect their candidate in case any trouble should arise. Leffingwell and his party also started from Marion, made up of the most influential democrats in Cedar Rapids and Marion. Dr. Bardwell, one of the leaders of the democracy, and who had laid out the Hubbard supporter at the time of the convention, sat in the back seat of the buggy with Leffingwell and carried the same kind of wet goods along on this evening and for the same purpose that the candidate should take something for his stomach's sake. This time Bardwell was in earnest and really wanted to instill into the candidate a little of the spirit which would brace him up to a greater effort. He did not figure that Leffingwell's only fault was his love for the bottle. When they arrived at Center Point more liquor was added, and when Leffingwell sat in the stuffy room listening to Smythe's opening arguments half an hour, the liquor took effect, and he became so drunk that he could hardly stand up, and made a rambling sort of a speech as only one under the influence of liquor could make. Smythe replied to the rambling remarks of his opponent in a most masterly way and in such a telling manner that even the democrats got disgusted with their own candidate, and the Marion contingent felt that hanging would have been too good for Doc Bardwell.

This first meeting ended the joint debates with Leffingwell. Later in the fall the democrats secured another debater from southern Iowa in the person of Martin Van Buren Bennett, a rabid partisan and a fiery orator, who, perhaps, surpa.s.sed Smythe in oratory, but who failed to make any special gains for his party as he was an outsider who dwelt on past history and did not confine himself to present conditions.

[Ill.u.s.tration: BIRDSEYE VIEW OF CEDAR RAPIDS IN 1868]

The friends of Smythe were very active among the democrats within the county to obtain their support, knowing that a large number of republicans would bolt the ticket. It was told that a fellow democrat went to old man Hickey in College towns.h.i.+p, an old Irishman and a stanch democrat, wanting him to vote for Smythe on the strength that he was born in Ireland. Hickey replied, "What! ask me to vote for an Orangeman, let me tell ye, when an Irishman steals a pig he gives half of it to the priest; when an Orangeman steals a pig he takes the whole d--thing and gives the priest nathing. No, I'll vote for no Orangeman for any office, I tell ye."

Smythe was elected by a large majority and served until his death in 1870. Judge Smythe was one of the ablest men in the county; he had been a delegate to the convention that nominated Lincoln for president, and in 1861 was appointed to negotiate a bond issued by the state to provide a war defense fund. He was also a colonel in the 31st Iowa Infantry, and served in the field until December, 1864. Had he lived no doubt he would have been one of the United States senators from Iowa, and might have had the coveted place so long occupied by James Harlan and William B. Allison.

In the Greeley contest there was not very much activity in politics in the county, although a number who had previously affiliated with the democratic party joined the republican ranks. The Blaine campaign was one of the most bitter campaigns waged pro and con in the county. In this campaign Milo P. Smith, of Linn, was the republican candidate for congress against Ben Frederick, democrat, of Marshall county, who won out against Smith on account of wrangling within the republican ranks.

John T. Hamilton, in another exciting contest for congress, won out as a democrat against Geo. R. Struble, of Tama county, in 1890. Mr.

Hamilton had served in the legislature for six years previously and had demonstrated his ability as an able and conservative legislator. He had many stanch supporters in the district and especially in Linn county, his home. Mr. Hamilton was defeated for re-election in 1892 by Robert G. Cousins, of Cedar county, who held the seat continually till he was succeeded by James W. Good, of Linn county, in the election of 1908.

Mr. Good was re-elected in the fall of 1910.

This article was not intended to deal with present politics, but with past politics, and so the various contests which have been waged since the Bryan campaign of 1896 will be left for other historians to chronicle. The politicians of an early day in Linn county were men of force and ability, who were interested in the material welfare of the people of the state. These men always took a leading part in every political and financial issue which arose, abhoring mere party differences brought about for personal objects by selfish persons. Both the leading parties possessed efficient leaders, who were fully competent to cope with the issues under consideration from time to time. These political leaders were efficient stump speakers, strong political writers, financial backers and promoters of railroads and steamboat lines. Their knowledge of the affairs of county and state politics was unsurpa.s.sed, and as mere orators they held large gatherings spellbound by their magnetic influence.

The politician of the old school was always a gentleman and would seldom descend to anything low or unprofessional in order to obtain a political victory over another. The instances cited in those pages are only the occasional outbreak of party strife, or of selfish desire for vengeance to satisfy some wrong, real or imaginary. Many of the party leaders in the county in ye olden times, regardless of party affiliations, were men of culture and education, conservative men, keen, shrewd, and capable, who battled manfully, loyally, and truthfully for the young state in its trying days in the beginning.

Nothing is more instructive than to read the early laws which were pa.s.sed and to meditate over the proceedings as found of three memorable const.i.tutional conventions. These deliberations show the good sense of those who took part in debates, and while the discussions took a wide range, the members never lost sight of the const.i.tutional limitations and of the legal status of the state to the federal government.

Such men as Abbe, the Smythe brothers, E. N. Bates, Durham, Col.

Preston, Judge Isbell, Strong, Gray, Kurtz, Col. Butler, Chandler Jordan, Squire Nugent, Squire Ure, Isaac Cook, Col. W. H. Merritt, Judge George Greene, Major M. A. Higley, and scores of other well known pioneers were an honor to any community and in their respective capacities wielded much influence in the county during the pioneer days.

[Ill.u.s.tration: FATHER SVRDLIK, CEDAR RAPIDS]

CHAPTER x.x.xVI