Voyages of Peter Esprit Radisson Part 8

This was graunted unto them, to send 2 boats, to testifie that they weare retained slaves among the other nations, although they furnish them with castors. The boats ready, we embarque ourselves. We weare 700. There was not seene such a company to goe downe to the ffrench. There weare above 400 Christinos' boats that brought us their castors, in hopes that the people should give some marchandises for them. Att their retourne the biggest boats could carry onely the man and his wife, and could scarce carry with them 3 castors, so little weare their boats. In summer time I have seene 300 men goe to warrs, and each man his boat, ffor they are that makes the least boats. The company that we had filled above 360 boats. There weare boats that caryed seaven men, and the least two. It was a pleasur to see that imbarquing, ffor all the yong women went in stark naked, their hairs hanging down, yett it is not their coustoms to doe soe. I thought it their shame, but contrary they thinke it excellent & old custome good. They sing a loud and sweetly. They stood in their boats, and remained in that posture halfe a day, to encourage us to come and lodge with them againe. Therefore they are not alltogether ashamed to shew us all, to intice us, and inanimate the men to defend themselves valliantly and come and injoy them.

In two dayes we arrived att the River of the sturgeon, so called because of the great quant.i.ty of sturgeons that we tooke there. Here we weare to make our provissions to pa.s.se the lake some 14 dayes. In the said tearme wee dryed up above a million of sturgeons. [Footnote: He no doubt meant to say, above "un mille," or "above a thousand."] The women followed us close; after our abode there two dayes they overtooke us. We had severall fals allarums, which putt us in severall troubles. They woundred to have found an Oryanck dead uppon the place, with a boullet in his body. There thousand lyes weare forged. Therefore we goe from thence, but before we come to the Longpoint whereof we spoak before, the wildmen called it _okinotoname_, we perceive smoake. We goe to discover what it was, and by ill looke we found it was a Iroquoits boat of seaven men, who doubtlesse stayed that winter in the lake of the hurrons, and came there to discover somewhat. I cannot say that they weare the first that came there. G.o.d graunt that they may be the last. As they saw us, away they, as swift as their heels could drive. They left their boat and all. They to the woods, and weare pursued, but in vaine, ffor they weare gone before three houres. The pursuers came backe; the one brings a gun, the one a hattchett, the other a kettle, and so forth. The councell was called, where it was decreed to go backe and shooke off to goe downe to the ffrench till the next yeare. This vexed us sore to see such a fleete and such an opportunity come to nothing, foreseeing that such an other may be not in tenne years. We weare to persuade them to the contrary, but checked soundly, saying we weare worse then Ennemyes by perswading them to goe and be slained. In this we must lett theire feare pa.s.se over, and we back to the river of the sturgeons, where we found our wives, very buissie in killing those creatures that comes there to multiplie. We dayly heare some newe reporte. All every where ennemy by fancy.

We in the meane time buissie ourselves in the good of our country, which will recompence us badly ffor such toyle and labour. Twelve dayes are pa.s.sed, in which time we gained some hopes of faire words. We called a councell before the company was disbanded, where we represented, if they weare discouvers, they had not vallued the losse of their kettle, knowing well they weare to gett another where their army layed, and if there should be an army it should appeare and we in such an number, they could be well afraid and turne backe. Our reasons weare hard and put in execution. The next day we embarqued, saving the Christinos, that weare afraid of a sight of a boat made of another stuff then theirs, that they went back as we came where the Iroquoits' boat was. Our words proved true and so proceeded in our way.

Being come nigh the Sault, we found a place where 2 of these men sweated, & for want of covers buried themselves in the sand by the watter side to keepe their bodyes from the flyes called maringoines, which otherwise had killed them with their stings. We thwarted those 2 great lakes with great pleasur, having the wind faire with us. It was a great satisfaction to see so many boats, and so many that never had before commerce with the ffrench.

So my brother and I thought wee should be wellcomed. But, O covetousnesse, thou art the cause of many evils! We made a small sayle to every boate; every one strived to be not the last. The wind was double wayes favourable to us. The one gave us rest, the other advanced us very much, which wee wanted much because of the above said delay. We now are comed to the cariages and swift streames to gett the lake of the Castors. We made them with a courage, prompt.i.tud, and hungar which made goe with hast as well as the wind. We goe downe all the great river without any encounter, till we came to the long Sault, where my brother some years before made a s.h.i.+pwrake. Being in that place we had worke enough. The first thing wee saw was severall boats that the Ennemy had left att the riverside. This putt great feare in the hearts of our people. Nor they nor we could tell what to doe; and seeing no body appeared we sent to discover what they weare. The discovers calls us, and bids us come, that those who weare there could doe us no harme.

You must know that 17 ffrench made a plott with foure Algonquins to make a league with three score hurrons for to goe and wait for the Iroquoits in the pa.s.sage att their retourne with their castors on their ground, hoping to beat and destroy them with ease, being dest.i.tut of necessary things. If one hath his gun he wants his powder, and so the rest. Att the other side without doubt had notice that the travelers weare abroad, and would not faile to come downe with a company, and to make a valiant deede and heroick action was to destroy them all, and consequently make the ffrench tremble as well as the wildmen, ffor the one could not live without the other; the one for his commodities, the other ffor his castors; so that the Iroqoits pretending to wait for us at the pa.s.sage came thither fflocking. The ffrench and wild company, to putt the Iroquoit in some feare, and hinder his coming there so often with such confidence, weare resolved to lay a snare against him. That company of souldiers being come to the farthest place of that long sault without being discovered, thought allready to be conquerors making cariage, having abroad 15 men to make discoveries, but mett as many ennemyes. They a.s.saulted each other, and the Iroquoits found themselves weake, left there their lives and bodyes, saving 2 that made their escape, went to give notice to 200 of theirs that made ready as they heard the gunns, to help their foreguard. The ffrench seeing such great odds made a retreat, and warned by foure Algonquins that a fort was built not afar off, built by his nation the last yeare, they fled into it in an ill houre. In the meane while the Iroquoits consulted what they should doe; they sent to 550 Iroquoits of the lower nation and 50 Orijonot that weare not afar off. Now they would asault the ffrench in their ffort, the ffort not holding but 20 men. The hurrons could not come in and could not avoid the shott of the ennemy. Then the ffrench pulled downe the fort, and closed together they stoutly began to worke. Those that the ffrench had killed, cutt their heads off & put them uppon long poles of their fort. This skermish dured two dayes & two nights. The Iroquoits finds themselves plagued, ffor the ffrench had a kind of bucklers and shelters. Now arrives 600 men that they did not think of in the least. Here is nothing but cryes, fire, and flame day & night. Here is not to be doubted, the one to take the other, the one to defend himselfe till death. The hurrons seeing such a company submitted to the ennemyes, but are like to pay for their cowardise, being in their hands weare tyed, abused, smitten, and burned as if they weare taken by force, ffor those barbarous weare revenged on their boanes as any was wounded or killed in the battaille.

In this great extremity our small company of one and twenty did resist 5 days against 800 men, and the two foremost dayes against 200 which weare seaven dayes together without intermission, & the worst was that they had no watter, as we saw, ffor they made a hole in the ground out of which they gott but litle because they weare on a hill. It was to be pitied. There was not a tree but was shot with buletts. The Iroquoits come with bucklers to make a breach. The ffrench putt fire to a barill of powder, thinking to shoake the Iroquoits or make him goe back; but did to their great prejudice, for it fell againe in their fort, which made an end of their combat. Uppon this the Ennemy enters, kills and slains all that he finds, so one did not make an escape, saveing one that was found alive; but he stayed not long, for in a short time after his fortune was as the rest; for as he was brought to one of the Forts of the Irokoits, as he was bid to sit down he finds a Pistolet by him, and takes it at adventure, not knowing whether it was charged or no. He puts the end to the breast of him that tyed him, and killd him in the presence of all his camerades; but without any more adoe he was burnt very cruelly. All the French though dead were tyed to posts along the River side, and the 4 Algonquins. As for the hurons they were burnt at their discretion. Some neverthelesse escaped to bring the certain newes how all pa.s.sed. [Footnote: Frenchmen ma.s.sacred at Long Sault. See Introduction.] It was a terrible spectacle to us, for wee came there 8 dayes after that defeat, which saved us without doubt. I beleeve for certain that the Iroqoits lost many men, having to doe with such brave and valiant souldiers as that company was. Wee visited that place and there was a fine Fort; three were about the other two.

Wee went down the river without making any carriage, and wee adventured very much. As Soon as wee were at the lower end many of our wildmen had a mind to goe back and not to goe any further, thinking really that all the French were killed. As for my Brother and I, wee did fear very much that after such a thing the pride of the enemy would make them attempt anything upon the habitations of mount Royall, which is but 30 leagues from thence.

Wee did advise them to make a ffort, or to put us in one of the enemies', and to send immediately two very light boats, that could not be overtaken if the enemy should discover them; and that being arrived at the habitation, they should make them shoot the peeces of Ordnance, and that as soon as the night should come wee would embarque our selves and should hear the noise, or else wee should take councell of what wee should doe, and stay for them at the height of the Isle of mount Royall; which was done accordingly without any hazard, for all the enemies were gone dispairing of our comeing down, and for what they had done and for what they had lost, which by the report of some Hurons was more then four score men; and if the French had had a Fort flanke & some water they had resisted the enemy miraculously and forced them to leave them for want of powder and shott and also of other provisions. They were furnished for the whole summer. Our two boats did goe, but the rest were soe impatient that they resolved to follow them, being willing to run the same hazard; and wee arrived the next morning and were in sight when the peeces were shott off, with a great deale of Joy to see so great a number of boats that did almost cover the whole River.

Wee stayd 3 dayes at mont-Royall, and then wee went down to the three Rivers. The wildmen did aske our advice whether it was best for them to goe down further. We told them no, because of the dangers that they may meet with at their returne, for the Irokoits could have notice of their comeing down, and so come and lay in ambush for them, and it was in the latter season, being about the end of August. Well, as soon as their businesse was done, they went back again very well satisfyed and wee very ill satisfied for our reception, which was very bad considering the service wee had done to the countrey, which will at another time discourage those that by our example would be willing to venture their lives for the benefit of the countrey, seeing a Governor that would grow rich by the labours and hazards of others.

Before I goe further I have a mind to let you know the fabulous beleafe of those poore People, that you may see their ignorance concerning the soul's immortality, being separated from the body. The kindred and the friends of the deceased give notice to the others, who gather together and cry for the dead, which gives warning to the young men to take the armes to give some a.s.sistance and consolation to the deceased. Presently the corps is covered with white skins very well tyed. Afterwards all the kindred come to the cottage of the deceased and begin to mourn and lament. After they are weary of making such musick the husbands or Friends of the deceased send their wives for gifts to pacifie a little the Widdow and to dry her tears. Those guifts are of skins and of what they can get, for at such a ceremony they are very liberall. As soon as that is done and the night comes, all the young men are desired to come and doe what they will to have done to them.

So that when darknesse has covered the whole face of the Earth they come all singing with staves in their hands for their armes, and after they are set round the cabbin, begin to knock and make such a noise that one would thinke they have a mind to tear all in peeces, and that they are possessed of some Devills. All this is done to expell and frighten the soule out of that poor and miserable body that she might not trouble his carcase nor his bones, and to make it depart the sooner to goe and see their Ancestors, and to take possession of their immortall glory, which cannot be obtained but a fortnight towards the setting of the sun. The first step that she makes is of seven dayes, to begin her course, but there are many difficulties, ffor it is through a very thick wood full of thorns, of stones and flints, which [brings] great trouble to that poor soule. At last having overcome all those dangers and toyles she comes to a River of about a Quarter of a mile broad where there is a bridge made onely of one planke, being supported by a beame pointed at one end, which is the reason that planke rises and falls perpetually, having not any rest nor stay, and when the soule comes near the side of that river, she meets with a man of extraordinary stature, who is very leane and holds a dagger of very hard wood and very keen in his hands, and speakes these words when he sees the pet.i.tioning soule come near: _Pale_, _pale_, which signifies, Goe, goe; and at every word the bridge ballances, and rises his knife, and the traveller offering himselfe, receives a blow by which he is cut in two, and each halfe is found upon that moving, and according as he had lived they stay upon it; that is, if his body was valiant the pa.s.sage was soon made free to him, for the two halfes come together and joyn themselves again. So pa.s.se to the other side where she finds a bladder of bear's grease to grease herselfe and refresh herselfe for that which she is to do, which being done she finds a wood somewhat cleerer and a straight road that she must goe, and for 5 dayes neither goe to the right nor to the left hand, where at last being arrived she finds a very great and cleer fire, through which she must resolve to pa.s.se. That fire is kindled by the young men that dyed since the beginning of the world to know whether those that come have loved the women or have been good huntsmen; and if that soule has not had any of those rare Vertues she burnes and broiles the sole of her feet by going through the fire; but quite contrary if she has had them qualityes, she pa.s.ses through without burning her selfe in the least, and from that so hot place she finds grease and paint of all sorts of colour with which she daubs and makes herselfe beautifull, to come to that place so wished for. But she has not yet all done, nor made an end of her voyage; being so dress'd she continues her course still towards the same pole for the s.p.a.ce of two dayes in a very cleer wood, and where there is very high and tall trees of which most be oakes, which is the reason that there is great store of bears. All along that way they do nothing else but see their enemies layd all along upon the ground, that sing their fatall song for having been vanquished in this world and also in the other, not daring to be so bold as to kill one of those animalls, and feed onely upon the down of these beasts. Being arrived, if I may say, at the doore of that imaginarie paradise, they find a company of their ancestors long since deceased, by whom they are received with a great deale of ceremony, and are brought by so venerable a company within halfe a daye's journey of the place of the meeting, and all along the rest of the way they discourse of things of this world that are pa.s.sd; for you must know they travell halfe a day without speaking one word, but keepe a very deep silence, for, said they, it is like the Goslings to confound one another with words. As soon as they are arrived they must have a time to come to themselves, to think well upon what they are to speak without any precipitation, but with Judgement, so that they are come where all manner of company with drumms & dryd b.u.mpkins, full of stones and other such instruments. The elders that have brought her there cover her with a very large white skin, and colour her leggs with vermillion and her feet likewise, and so she is received amongst the Predestinates. There is a deep silence made as soon as she is come in, and then one of the elders makes a long speech to encourage the young people to go a hunting to kill some meat to make a feast for entertainment of the soul of their countryman, which is put in execution with a great deal of diligence and hast; and while the meat is boyling or roasting, and that there is great preparations made for the feast, the young maidens set out themselves with the richest Jewells and present the beesome to the new-comer. A little while after the kettles are filled, there is feasting every where, comedies acted, and whatsoever is rare is there to be seene; there is dancing every where. Now remaines nothing but to provide that poor soule of a companion, which she does presently, for she has the choice of very beautifull women, and may take as many as she pleases, which makes her felicity immortall.

By this you may see the silly beleefe of these poor People. I have seen right-minded Jesuites weep bitterly hearing me speake of so many Nations that perish for want of Instruction; but most of them are like the wildmen, that thinke they offend if they reserve any thing for the next day. I have seen also some of the same company say, "Alas, what pity 'tis to loose so many Castors. Is there no way to goe there? The fish and the sauce invite us to it; is there no meanes to catch it? Oh, how happy should I be to go in those countreys as an Envoye, being it is so good a countrey." That is the relation that was made me severall times by those wildmen, for I thought they would never have done. But let us come to our arrivall againe.

The Governour, seeing us come back with a considerable summe for our own particular, and seeing that his time was expired and that he was to goe away, made use of that excuse to doe us wrong & to enrich himselfe with the goods that wee had so dearly bought, and by our meanes wee made the country to subsist, that without us had beene, I beleeve, oftentimes quite undone and ruined, and the better to say at his last beeding, no castors, no s.h.i.+p, & what to doe without necessary commodities. He made also my brother prisoner for not having observed his orders, and to be gone without his leave, although one of his letters made him blush for shame, not knowing what to say, but that he would have some of them at what price soever, that he might the better maintain his coach & horses at Paris. He fines us four thousand pounds to make a Fort at the three Rivers, telling us for all manner of satisfaction that he would give us leave to put our coat of armes upon it, and moreover 6,000 pounds for the country, saying that wee should not take it so strangely and so bad, being wee were inhabitants and did intend to finish our days in the same country with our Relations and Friends. But the Bougre did grease his chopps with it, and more, made us pay a custome which was the 4th part, which came to 14,000 pounds, so that wee had left but 46,000 pounds, and took away L. 24,000. Was not he a Tyrant to deal so with us, after wee had so hazarded our lives, & having brought in lesse then 2 years by that voyage, as the Factors of the said country said, between 40 and 50,000 pistolls? For they spoke to me in this manner: "In which country have you been? From whence doe you come? For wee never saw the like. From whence did come such excellent castors? Since your arrivall is come into our magazin very near 600,000 pounds Tournois of that filthy merchandise, which will be prized like gold in France." And them were the very words that they said to me.

Seeing ourselves so wronged, my brother did resolve to goe and demand Justice in France. It had been better for him to have been contented with his losses without going and spend the rest in halfe a year's time in France, having L. 10,000 that he left with his wife, that was as good a Houswife as he. There he is in France; he is paid with fair words and with promise to make him goe back from whence he came; but he feeing no a.s.surance of it, did engage himselfe with a merchant of Roch.e.l.l, who was to send him a s.h.i.+p the next spring. In that hope he comes away in a fisher boat to the pierced Island, some 20 leagues off from the Isle d'eluticosty, [Footnote: _Eluticosty_, Anticosti, an island at the mouth of the river St.

Lawrence.] the place where the s.h.i.+p was to come; that was to come whilst he was going in a shallop to Quebucq, where I was to goe away with him to the rendezvous, being he could not do anything without me; but with a great deel of difficulty it proved, so that I thought it possible to goe tast of the pleasures of France, and by a small vessell that I might not be idle during his absence. He presently told me what he had done, and what wee should doe. Wee embarked, being nine of us. In a few dayes wee came to the pierced Island, where wee found severall s.h.i.+pps newly arrived; & in one of them wee found a father Jesuit that told us that wee should not find what wee thought to find, and that he had put a good order, and that it was not well done to distroy in that manner a Country, and to wrong so many Inhabitants. He advised me to leave my Brother, telling me that his designs were pernicious. Wee see ourselves frustrated of our hopes. My Brother told me that wee had store of merchandize that would bring much profit to the french habitations that are in the Cadis. I, who was desirous of nothing but new things, made no scruple.

Wee arrived at St. Peter, in the Isle of Cape Breton, at the habitation of Monsr. Denier, where wee delivered some merchandizes for some Originack skins; from thence to Camseau where every day wee were threatned to be burned by the french; but G.o.d be thanked, wee escaped from their hands by avoiding a surprize. And in that place my Brother told me of his designe to come and see new England, which our servants heard, and grumbled and laboured underhand against us, for which our lives were in very great danger. Wee sent some of them away, and at last with much labour & danger wee came to Port Royall, which is inhabited by the french under the English Government, where some few dayes after came some English s.h.i.+pps that brought about our designes, where being come wee did declare our designes.

Wee were entertained, and wee had a s.h.i.+p promissed us, and the Articles drawn, and wee did put to sea the next spring for our discovery, and wee went to the entry of Hudson's streight by the 61 degree. Wee had knowledge and conversation with the people of those parts, but wee did see and know that there was nothing to be done unlesse wee went further, and the season of the yeare was far spent by the indiscretion of our master, that onely were accustomed to see some Barbadoes Sugers, and not mountaines of Suger candy, which did frighten him, that he would goe no further, complaining that he was furnished but for 4 months, & that he had neither Sailes, nor Cord, nor Pitch, nor Towe, to stay out a winter. Seeing well that it was too late, he would goe no further, so brought us back to the place from whence wee came, where wee were welcome, although with great losse of goods & hope, but the last was not quite lost. Wee were promissed 2 s.h.i.+pps for a second voyage. They were made fit and ready, and being the season of the yeare was not yet come to be gone, one of them 2 s.h.i.+pps was sent to the Isle of Sand, there to fish for the Ba.s.se [Footnote: This fis.h.i.+ng expedition was to the well-known Sable Island. In 1676 "The King granted Medard Chouart, Sieur des Grozelliers, and Pierre Esprit, Sieur des Radision, the privilege of establis.h.i.+ng fisheries for white porpoises and seal in the river St. Lawrence in New France."] to make Oyle of it, where wee came in very bad weather, and the s.h.i.+p was lost in that Island, but the men were saved. The expectation of that s.h.i.+p made us loose our 2nd voyage, which did very much discourage the merchants with whom wee had to doe. They went to law with us to make us recant the bargaine that wee had made with them. After wee had disputed a long time it was found that the right was on our side, and wee innocent of what they did accuse us. So they endeavoured to come to an agreement, but wee were betrayed by our own Party. In the meantime the Commissioners of the King of Great Brittain arrived in that place, and one of them would have us goe with him to New Yorke, and the other advised us to come to England and offer our selves to the King, which wee did. Those of new England in generall made profers unto us of what s.h.i.+p wee would if wee would goe on in our Designes; but wee answered them that a scalded cat fears the water though it be cold.

Wee are now in the pa.s.sage, and he that brought us, which was one of the Commissioners called Collonell George Carteret, was taken by the Hollanders, and wee arrived in England in a very bad time for the Plague and the warrs. Being at Oxford, wee went to Sir George Carteret, who spoke to his Majestie, who gave us good hopes that wee should have a s.h.i.+p ready for the next spring, and that the king did allow us 40 s.h.i.+llings a week for our maintenance, and wee had chambers in the Town by his order, where wee stayed 3 months. Afterwards the King came to London and sent us to Windsor, where wee stayed the rest of the winter. Wee are sent for from that place, the season growing neare, and put into the hands of Sir Peter Colleton. The s.h.i.+p was got ready something too late, and our master was not fit for such a Designe. But the Hollanders being come to the River of Thames had stopp'd the pa.s.sage, soe wee lost that opportunity. So wee were put off till the next yeare, & a little while after that same s.h.i.+p was sent to Virginia and other places to know some news of the Barbadoes, and to be informed if that Island was not in danger; which if it had been lost, had taken from the English Ladyes the meanes or the pleasure of drinking french wine. Those of Burdeaux & of Roch.e.l.l were great loosers in the expectation of the s.h.i.+p, that was not gone to the Isle of Sand, but to Holland. Wee lost our second voyage, for the order was given to late for the fitting another s.h.i.+p, which cost a great deale of money to noe purpose. The third yeare wee went out with a new company in 2 small vessells, my Brother in one & I in another, & wee went together 400 leagues from the North of Ireland, where a sudden great storme did rise & put us asunder. The sea was soe furious 6 or 7 houres after that it did almost overturne our s.h.i.+p, so that wee were forced to cut our masts rather then cutt our lives; but wee came back safe, G.o.d be thanked, and the other, I hope, is gone on his voyage, G.o.d be with him. I hope to embarke myselfe by the helpe of G.o.d this fourth yeare, & I beseech him to grant me better successe then I have had hitherto, & beseech him to give me Grace & to make me partaker of that everlasting happinesse which is the onely thing a man ought to look after.

I have here put the names of severall Nations amongst which I have been for the most part, which I think may extend to some 900 leagues by the reckoning of my Travells.

The names of the Nations that live in the South:--

Avieronons. Khionontateronons. Oscovarahronoms.

Aviottronons. Ohcrokonanechronons. Huattochronoms.

Anontackeronons. Ahondironons. Skinchiohronoms.

Sonontueronons. Ougmarahronoms. Att.i.tachronons.

Oyongoironons. Akrahkuaeronoms. Ontorahronons.

Audastoueronons. Oneronoms. Aoveatsiovaenhronons.

Konkhaderichonons. Eressaronoms. Attochingochronons.

Andonanchronons. Attionendarouks. Maingonis.

Kionontateronons. Ehriehronoms. Socoquis.

Ouendack. Tontataratonhronoms. Pacoiquis.

Ariotachronoms.

All these Nations are sedentaries, and live upon corn and other grains, by hunting and fis.h.i.+ng, which is plentifull, and by the ragouts of roots.

There were many destroyed by the Iroquoits, and I have seen most of those that are left.

The names of the Nations that live in the North:--

Chisedeck. Nipifiriniens. Piffings.

Bersiamites. Tivifeimi. Malhonniners.

Sagfeggons. Outimaganii. Afinipour.

Attikamegues. Ouachegami. Trinivoick.

Ovaouchkairing or Mitchitamon. Nafaonakouetons.

Algonquins. Orturbi. Pontonatemick.

Kischeripirini. Ovasovarin. Escouteck.

Minifigons. Atcheligonens. Panoestigons.

Kotakoaveteny. Annikouay. Nadoucenako.

Kinoncheripirini. Otanack. t.i.tascons.

Matouchkarini. Ouncisagay. Christinos.

Ountchatarounongha. Abaouicktigonions. Nadouceronons.

Sagahigavirini. Roquay. Quinipigousek.

Sagnitaovigama. Mantonech. Tatanga.

The two last are sedentary and doe reap, and all the rest are wandering people, that live by their hunting and Fis.h.i.+ng, and some few of Rice that they doe labour for, and a great many of them have been destroyed by the Iroquoites. Besides all the above-named Nations I have seen eight or nine more since my voyages.

VOYAGES OF PETER ESPRIT RADISSON.

_The Relation of a Voyage made by Peter Raddisson, Esquire, to the North parts of America, in the years 1682 and 1683._

In the first place, I think myself oblidg'd to vindicat myself from the imputation of inconstancy for acting in this voyage against the English Intrest, and in the yeare 1683 against the French Intrest, for which, if I could not give a very good account, I might justly lye under the sentenc of capritiousness & inconstancy. But severall Persons of probity and good repute, being sensible what my brother-in-Law, Mr Chouard Des Groisiliers, and myself performed in severall voyadges for the Gentlemen conserned in the Hudson's Bay Trade, relating to the Comers of Bever skins, and the just cause of dissattisfaction which both of us had, to make us retire into France. I have no cause to believe that I in the least deserve to bee taxed with lightness or inconstancy for the Imployments wherein I since ingaged, although they were against the Interests of the said Company, for it is suffitiently known that my Brother nor myself omitted nothing that lay in our power, having both of us severall times adventur'd our lives, and did all that was possible for Persons of courage and Honour to perform for the advantage and profit of the said Company, ever since the yeare 1665 unto the yeare 1674. But finding that all our advise was slighted and rejected, and the Councill of other persons imbrac'd and made use of, which manifestly tended to the ruin of the setlement of the Beaver Trade, & that on all occasions wee were look'd upon as useless persons, that deserved neither reward nor incouragement, this unkinde usage made us at last take a resolution, though with very great reluctancy, to return back into France; for in the maine it is well knowne that I have a greater inclination for the Interest of England than for that of ffrance, being marry'd at London unto an Honorable familly, [Footnote: He married, between 1666 and 1673, for his second wife, the daughter of Sir John Kirke. He was one of the original founders of the Hudson's Bay Company, having subscribed L. 300 to the common stock in 1670. He was one of the seven members on the Committee of management for the Company, and was no doubt instrumental in securing to Radisson a permanent pension of 1,200 livres a year, after he left the service of France. In all probability, Radisson emigrated to Canada with his family in 1694, for in that year his son's name thus appears as holding a land patent: "1695. Another patent of confirmation to 'Sieur Etienne Volant Radisson' of the concession made to him the 19th of October, 1694, of the isles, islets, and 'baitures' not granted, that are to be found across Lake St Peter, above the islands granted to the 'Sieur Sorel,' from the edge of the north channel, as far as the great middle channel, called the channel of Platte Island," etc., etc. As Peter Radisson's will can nowhere be found at Somerset House, London, he probably died in Canada.]

whos alliance had also the deeper ingadged me in the Intrest of the Nation.

Morover, all my friends know the tender love I had for my wife, and that I declared unto them how much I was troubled in being reduced to the necessity of leaving her. I hope thes considerations will vindicate my proceedings touching the severall Interests which I espous'd, and what I shall relate in this ensuing Narrative touching my proceedings in regard of the English in this voyadge in the River, and also in Nelson's harbour in the year 1683, and will justify me against what has ben reported to my prejudice to render me Odious unto the nation. For it will appeare that having had the good fortune to defend my setlment against those which at that time I look'd upon as my Ennemy's, & defeated them by frustrating their designes, I improv'd the advantage I had over them the best I could; yet would they do me right, they must own that they had more just cause to give me thanks than to complaine of me, having ever used them kindly as long as they pleas'd to live with me. I freely confess I used all the skill I could to compa.s.s my designes, & knowing very well what these Gentlemen intended against me, I thought it better to surprise them than that they should me; knowing that if they had ben afore hand with me, I should have pa.s.sed my time wors with them than they did with me. I come now to discours of my voyadge, not thinking it materiall heere to mention the campaign I made in the french fleet, since I left England, in the Expeditions for Guinea, Tobaga, [Footnote: This expedition was commanded by Jean, Count d'Estrees. He reduced the Island of Tobaga. He was made a Marshal of France, and sent out, 1 August, 1687, as Viceroy over America.] and other occasions wherein I was concern'd before I ingadged in this voyadge.

At the time my Brother-in-Law and I were dissattisfy'd with the Hudson's Bay Company, wee were severall times invited by the late Monsieur Colbert to return back for france, with large promises that wee should bee very kindly entertain'd. Wee refused a great while all the offers that were made us; but seeing our businesse went wors and wors with the company, without any likelyhood of finding any better usage, at last wee accepted the offer that was made unto us, of paying us 400 Lewi-Dors redy money, of discharging all our Debts, and to give us good Employments. These conditions being agreed upon, wee pa.s.sed over into france in Xber, 1674.

As soon as wee got to Paris wee waited upon monsieur Colbert. Hee reproached us for preferring the English Interest before that of ffrance; but having heard our defence, and observ'd by what wee said unto him of our discoverys in the Northern parts of America, and of the acquaintance wee had with the Natives, how fit wee might bee for his purpos, hee soon a.s.sur'd us of his favor & protection, & also of the King's pardon for what was past, with an intire restoration unto the same state wee were in before wee left france, upon condition that wee should employ our care & industry for the advancement & increas of the comers of the Beaver Trade in the french Collonies in Canada. Hee also confirmed the promis had ben made us at London, of the gratuity of 400 french Pistolls, that all our Debts should bee discharg'd, & that wee should bee put into Employments. Our Letters Pattents of pardon & restoration were forthwith dispatch't, & monsieur Colbert would have it expressly mention'd in them, for what caus the King granted them, viz., to employ the greatest of our skill & industry with the Natives, for the utillity & advancement of the Beaver Trade in the french Collonies. The 400 peeces of Gould was pay'd us, & all things else promised was perform'd, excepting only the Employment, for the which wee were made to attend a great while, and all to no purpos.

But at last I perceaved the cause of this delay, & that my marrying in England made me bee suspected, because my wife remained there. Monsr.

Colbert having delayed us a long time with sundry Excuses, one day hee explained himself, saying I should bring my wife over into france if I expected that a full confidence should bee put in mee. I represented unto him that it was nott a thing fully in my power to doe, my wife's father refusing to give me the Liberty of bringing her over into france; but I promiss'd him to use my best endeavors to that effect. In the meantime Monsr. Colbert intimated that hee would have my Brother-in-Law & myself make a voyadge unto Canada, to advise with the Governour what was best ther to bee done, a.s.suring us that hee would write unto him in our behalf.

Wee undertook the voyadge, but being arriv'd at Quebeck, wee found that jelosy & interest which some Persons had over those that had the absolute command, at that time, of the Trade in Canada, & whos Creatures were Imploy'd for new Discoverys, ordered things so that the Count De Frontinac, the Governor, took no care to perform what wee had ben promis'd hee should have don for us; so that finding myself slighted, I left my Brother-in-Law with his familly in Canada, & returned back again for France, intending to serve at sea in the fleet. Accordingly I there pa.s.sed the Campaigns above mention'd untill wee suffer'd s.h.i.+ppwreck at the Isle D'ane, from which being escaped, I returned with the rest of the Army unto Brest, in the moneth of July, having lost all my Equipage in this disaster. The Vice Admirall & the Intendant wrote to Court in my favour, & upon the good character they were pleas'd to give of me, I receav'd a gratuity of 100 Louis D'ors upon the King's account, to renew my Equipage; & these Gentlemen also were pleased to tell me I should ere long have the command of a Man of Warr; but thinking that could not so easily bee, I desired leave to make a turn over into England under pretext of visitting my wife & to make a farther Tryall of bringing her over into france, whereupon I had my pa.s.s granted, with a farther gratuity of 100 Louis D'ors towards the charges of my voyage. I was comanded to make what dispatch possible might bee, & espetially to mind the business of bringing my wife along with me, & then I shold not doubt of having good Imployments.

I set forwards, & arrived in London the 4th of July, & amongst other discours told my father-in-Law, Sir John Kirk, of what great importance it was unto me of making my fortune in france to take my wife along with me thither; notwithstanding, hee would by no means give his consent thereunto, but desired me to write to my friends in France concerning some pretention hee had against the Inhabitants of Canada, [Footnote: John Kirke and his elder brothers, Sir David, Sir Lewis, and others, held a large claim against Canada, or rather France, dating back to 1633, which amounted in 1654, including princ.i.p.al and interest, to over--L. 34.000.] which I did. I endeavor'd also, during my stay at London, both by myself & by Friends, to try if the Gentlemen of the Company might conceave any better thoughts of me, & whether I might not by some means or other be restor'd unto their good liking; but all my endevors proved in vaine. I found no likelyhood of effecting what I so much desir'd, therefore I return'd into France & arrived at Brest the 12th of 8ber, 1679.... Having inform'd the Vice Admirall & the Intendant of the litle Successe I had in my voyadge, & that it was not through any neglect of myne, they order'd me to goe give an Account of it unto the Marquis De Signelay, which I did; & telling him I could not prevaile to bring my wife over along with me, hee revil'd me, & told me hee knew very well what an Inclination I had still for the English Intrest, saying with all that I must not expect any confidence should bee put in me, nor that I shold not have the least Imployment, whilst my wife stay'd in England.

Neverthelesse, hee promis'd to speak to his Father, Monsieur Colbert, touching my affaires, which hee also performed; & afterwards waiting upon him, hee spake unto me much after the same rate his sonn, the Marquis De Signelay had don before, as to what concerned my wife, & order'd me to goe unto monsieur Bellinzany, his chief agent for the businesse of Trade, who would farther inform me of his intentions. Meeting with Monsieur Belinzany, hee told me that monsieur Colbert thought it necessary that I should conferr with monsieur De La Chesnay, [Footnote: M. Du Chesneau was appointed 30 May, 1675, Intendant of Justice, Police, and Finance of Canada, Acadia, and Isles of Newfoundland.] a Canada Merchant who mannadg'd all the Trade of thos parts, & who was then at Paris, that with him some mesures should bee taken to make the best advantage of our Discoveries & intreagues in the Northern parts of Canada, to advance the Beaver Trade, & as much as possible might bee to hinder all strangers from driving that trade to the prejudice of the French Collonies. The said monsr. Belinzany also told me I could not more oblige monsr. Colbert, nor take any better cours to obtaine his friends.h.i.+p by any servis whatsoever, than by using all my skill & industry in drawing all the natives of thos Northern parts of America to traffick with & to favor the French, & to hinder & disswade them from trading with strangers, a.s.suring me of a great reward for the servis I should render the state upon this account, & that Mr. De La Chesiiay would furnish me in Cannada with all things necessary for executing what dessignes wee should conclude upon together to this intent.

According to these Instructions I went unto Mr. De La Chesnay. Wee discours'd a long time together, & after severall inquiry's of the state of the countrys that I had most frequented, having communicated unto him my observations, hee propos'd unto me to undertake to establish a treaty for the Beaver trade in the Great Bay where I had ben some years before upon the account of the English. Wee spent two Dayes in adjusting the means of selling this business; at last it was agreed that I should make a voyadge into England to endevor to perswade my wife to come away, & also at the same time to inform myself what s.h.i.+pps the Hudson Bay Company intended to fit out for those parts. I performed this second voyage for England with some remainder of hopes to find the Gentlemen of the Company something better inclin'd towards me than they had ben formerly; but whether they then looked upon me as wholy unneccessary for their purpos, or as one that was altogether unable to doe them any harm, I was sufferr'd to come away without receaving the least token of kindnesse. All the satisfaction I had in the voyadge was that Prince Rupert was pleas'd to tell me that hee was very sorry my offers of servis was so much slighted.

I resolv'd with myself not to bee dejected at this coldnesse, & returned into france, thinking there to have found Monsieur De La Chesnay; but being come to Paris, I heard hee was gon, & I presently resolved to follow him to Canada, to execute what wee had concluded upon at Paris. I went to take my leave of monsieur Colbert, acquainting him of my dessigne, whereof hee approved very well. Hee wished me a good voyadge, advising me to be carefull. I went to visit the Society of the Jesuits at Paris, as being also concern'd with La Chesnay in the Beaver Trade. They gave mee some money for my voyadge. I went & took s.h.i.+pp at Roch.e.l.l, & arrived at Quebeck the 25th of 7ber, 1682. As soon as I went ash.o.r.e I spake with monsieur La Chesnay, who seem'd to bee very glad to see me, and after some discours of what wee had concluded upon at Paris, hee said the businesse must bee presently set about; & being privy unto the Court Intrigues, & fully acquainted with the mesures wee were to use in this enterprize, hee took me along with him unto the Governor's house, & ingadg'd me to demand his a.s.sistance & such orders as wee should stand in need of from him for the carrying on our Dessigne. But the Governor spake unto us in a way as if hee approved not of the businesse; whereupon La Chesnay demanded a Pa.s.s for me to return back unto Europ by the way of New England, in a vessel belonging to the Governor of Accadia, which was at that instant at Quebeck, & redy to saile in som short time.

These formalitys being over, Monsieur La Chesnay & I spake home to the businesse. Wee agreed upon the voyage, & of all things that were to bee setled relative unto our concerns & Intrest. Hee undertook to buy the Goods, & to furnish all things that concern'd the Treaty; to furnish me with a vessell well fitted & stored with good provisions. It was agreed that I should have one fourth part of the Beaver for my care and paines, & the danger I expos'd myself unto in making the setlment. My Brother-in-Law, Desgroisilliers, who was then at Quebeck, made a contract with De La Chesnay for the same voyage allmost on the same terms as I had don. All things being thus concluded, the Governor was desired that I might have leave to take three men along with me. Hee knew very well to what intent, but hee pretended to bee ignorant of it, for 'tis unlikely that hee could think I would return back to france without doing something about what La Chesnay & I had mention'd unto him, seeing I demanded these three men to goe along with me. One was my kinsman, John Baptista Des Grosiliers, of whom I made great account, having frequented the country all his life, & had contracted great familliarity & acquaintance with the natives about trade. Hee laid out L. 500 Tournais of his own money in the voyadge & charge, disbursed by monsieur De La Chesnay in the Enterprize. The second was Peter Allmand, whom I took for my Pilot, & the 3d was John Baptista G.o.dfry, who understood perfectly well the Languadge of the natives, & one that I knew was capable of Treating. I set saile from Quebeck the 4th of 9ber, 1682, with my 3 men, in the Governor of Accady's vessell, having my orders to bee redy the Spring following, at the L'isle perse, hallow Isle, at the entrance of the River Saint Lawrence, unto which place La Chesnay was to send me a vessell well Equipp'd & fitted according to agreement for Executing the dessigne. Hee also promisd to send mee fuller Instructions in writing, for my directions when I should bee on the place.