Independent Bohemia Part 10

"On the other hand, the Austro-Hungarian delegate declared, in the name of the Quadruple Alliance, that the question of the self-determination of those nations which have not hitherto enjoyed political independence should be solved in a const.i.tutional manner within the existing state.

This point of view of the Austro-Hungarian representative is not our point of view, because we know, from our own numberless bitter experiences, that it means nothing but the negation of the principle of self-determination. We indignantly express our regret that our nation was deprived of its political independence and of the right of self-determination, and that by means of artificial electoral statutes we were left to the mercy of the German minority and of the government of the centralised German bureaucracy.

"Our brother Slovaks became the victims of Magyar brutality and of unspeakable violence in a state which, notwithstanding all its apparent const.i.tutional liberties, remains the darkest corner of Europe, and in which the non-Magyars who form the majority of the population are ruthlessly oppressed by the ruling minority, extirpated, and denationalised from childhood, unrepresented in parliament and the civil service, and deprived of public schools as well as of all private educational inst.i.tutions.

"The const.i.tution to which the Austro-Hungarian representative refers, nullified even the right of general suffrage by an artificial creation of an over-representation of the German minority in the Reichsrat, and its utter uselessness for the liberty of nations was clearly demonstrated during the three years of unscrupulous military absolutism during this war. Every reference to this const.i.tution, therefore, means in reality only a repudiation of the right of self-determination for the non-German nations of Austria who are at the mercy of the Germans: and it means an especially cruel insult and injury to the non-Magyar nations _in Hungary, where the const.i.tution is nothing but a means of shameful domination by the oligarchy of a few Magyar aristocratic families_, as was again proved by the recent electoral reform proposal.

"Our nation longs with all the democracies of the world for a general and lasting peace. But our nation is fully aware that _no peace can be permanent except a peace which will abolish old injustice_, brutal force and the predominance of arms, as well as the predominance of states and nations over other nations, which will a.s.sure a free development to all nations, great or small, and which will liberate especially those nations which are still suffering under foreign domination. That is why it is necessary that this right of free national development and of self-determination of nations, great or small, to whatever state they may belong, should become the foundation of future international rights, a guarantee of peace, and of a friendly co-operation of nations, as well as a great ideal which will liberate humanity from the terrible horrors of a world war.

"_We deputies of the Czech nation declare that a peace which would not bring our nation full liberty could not be and would not mean a peace to us_, but would only be the beginning of a new, desperate and continuous struggle for our political independence, in which our nation would strain to the utmost its material and moral forces. And in that uncompromising struggle it would never relax until its aim had been achieved. _Our nation asks for independence_ on the ground of its historic rights, and is imbued with the fervent desire to contribute towards the new development of humanity on the basis of liberty and fraternity in a free compet.i.tion with other free nations, which our nation hopes to accomplish in a sovereign, equal, democratic and socially just state of its own, built upon the equality of all its citizens within the historic boundaries of the Bohemian lands and of Slovakia, guaranteeing full and equal national rights to all minorities.

"Guided by these principles, we solemnly protest against the rejection of the right of self-determination at the peace negotiations, and _demand that, in the sense of this right, all nations, including, therefore, also the Czecho-Slovaks, be guaranteed partic.i.p.ation and full freedom of defending their rights at the Peace Conference_."

_(f) The Oath of the Czecho-Slovak Nation_

It will be remembered that Count Czernin delivered a speech to the Vienna Munic.i.p.al Council on April 2, 1918, which caused his downfall. In this p.r.o.nouncement he also attacked Czech leaders and blamed them for the failure of his peace efforts. This interesting pa.s.sage of his speech reads as follows:

"What terrible irony it is that, while our brothers and sons are fighting like lions on the battlefield and millions of men and women at home are heroically bearing their losses and are sending up urgent prayers to the Almighty for the speedy termination of the war, certain leaders of the people and the people's representatives agitate against the German Alliance, which has so splendidly stood the test, _pa.s.s resolutions which no longer have the slightest connection with the state idea, find no word of blame for the Czech troops which criminally fight against their own country_ and their brothers-in-arms, would tear parts out of the Hungarian State, under the protection of their parliamentary immunity _make speeches which cannot be considered otherwise than as a call to enemy countries to continue the struggle_ solely in order to support their own political efforts, and ever anew kindle the expiring war spirit in London, Rome and Paris. _The wretched and miserable Masaryk is not the only one of his kind. There are also Masaryks within the borders of the monarchy._ I would much rather have spoken on this sad matter in the delegations, but, as I have already mentioned, the convoking of the committee has at present proved to be impossible and I cannot wait."

Thereupon he attempted to absolve the Czech "people" from the charge of high treason.

The Czech leaders did not resent his charge that they were "traitors" like Masaryk. Indeed, the _Lidove Noviny_ openly declared: "We are proud to be called traitors." But they resented his subsequent allegation that the Czech people do not stand behind their leaders. In order to refute this allegation and to a.s.sure the Czech soldiers fighting on the side of the Entente of their solidarity, the Czechs summoned a meeting at Prague in which some 6000 _delegates of all Czech parties and cla.s.ses took part_, as well as twenty-three delegates of the Yugoslavs. The meeting was most solemn and impressive. It was a new manifestation by the whole nation of its unanimity in the struggle for independence. The Czecho-Yugoslav solidarity was again emphasised. Finally, a solemn oath was unanimously taken by the whole a.s.sembly. The following are some of its pa.s.sages:

"To the Czecho-Slovak Nation!

"The terrible world war is approaching its culmination. In awe and sorrow a great number of Czecho-Slovak men and women are standing here.

"The Czecho-Slovak blood has been and is still being shed in torrents.

"Unbroken, united in suffering, our nation believed and believes that the storm of the world war will ultimately result in a better future and that its humanitarian ideals will be sanctioned by a universal peace which will forever guard humanity against a repet.i.tion of the present catastrophe.

"We never asked for anything but to be able to live a free life, to govern our own destinies free from foreign domination, and to erect our own state after the manner of all other civilised nations. That is our sacred right. It is the national and international right of a nation which has done great service to civilisation and can proudly range itself among the most civilised and democratic nations of Europe.

"This is the firm and unanimous will of the nation:

"_We have a.s.sembled here to-day as the legitimate representatives of the Czecho-Slovak nation in order to manifest unmistakably that the whole nation is united as it never was before, and that it stands like a rock behind the memorable and historic declarations of its deputies_.

"_So we are standing here, firmly convinced of the ultimate victory of Justice, of the victory of Right over Might, of Liberty over Tyranny, of Democracy over Privilege and of Truth over Falsehood and Deceit_.

"At the cross-roads of history, we swear by the glorious memory of our ancestors, before the eyes of the sorrow-stricken nation, over the graves of those who have fallen for the cause of liberty, to-day and for all eternity:

"_We will hold on and will never give way!_

"_We will be faithful in all our work, struggles and sufferings, faithful unto death!_

"_We will hold on unto victory!_

"_We will hold on until our nation obtains independence_.

"_Long live the Czecho-Slovak nation!_

"Let our nation grow and flourish freely in the great family of nations, for its own welfare as well as for the welfare of the future liberated humanity!"

_(g) The Slovaks' Att.i.tude_

The appalling terrorism prevailing in Hungary made it impossible for the Slovaks to manifest their feelings as they would have liked to do. The Slovaks abroad, of course, work hand in hand with the Czechs for their common cause.

Nevertheless, even in Hungary the Slovaks showed their unanimity with the Czechs.

According to the _Narodni Listy_ of July 24, 1917, the Slovak political leaders, especially their two deputies, Father P. Juriga and Dr. P. Blaho, and the veteran leader of the Slovak National Party, M. Dula, have been subjected to all sorts of persuasions and threats on the part of the Magyars who were anxious that the Slovaks should disavow the declaration of the Bohemian Club in favour of the union of all Czechs and Slovaks in an independent state. The Slovak leaders, however, refused to become the dupes of the Magyar Government.

According to the _Narodni Listy_ of May 5, 1918, a great manifestation was arranged by Slovak Socialists in St. Miklos on May 1 in favour of the union of the Hungarian Slovaks with the Czechs of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia.

Several thousand Slovaks took part in the manifestation despite the obstacles put in the way by the Magyar gendarmerie and police spies. A resolution was carried unanimously demanding amongst other things a just and lasting peace which would prevent the outbreak of fresh conflagrations and a.s.sure liberty to all nations in Europe, and "_self-determination for all nations_, including also that branch of the Czecho-Slovak nation which lives in Hungary." Besides this manifestation, the Slovaks sent representative delegates to the National Theatre celebrations in Prague, with which we deal in our next chapter.

_(h) The Czecho-Slovak National Council in Prague_

On July 13, 1918, an important event took place in Prague. The Czecho-Slovaks established an inter-party council which may well be described as part of the _Provisional Government of Bohemia_, whose programme is identical with that of the Czecho-Slovak Provisional Government in Paris.

The inaugural meeting of the council in Prague was opened by the president of the Agrarian Party, Mr. Svehla, who gave a report about the preparatory work and principles which led to the const.i.tution of the council. On the proposal of M. Stanek, president of the Union of Czech Deputies, _Dr. Karel Kramar_, the leader of the Independent Democratic Party, was elected president of the council, _M. Klofac_, leader of the National Socialists, and _M. Svehla_ vice-presidents, and _Dr. Soukup_, leader of the Socialists, secretary. Dr. Kramar greeted the a.s.sembly in the name of the presidency. Afterwards deputy Klofac delivered a speech in the name of the Socialists, and the vice-president of the Czech Union, supported by deputy Habermann, proposed that the presidency should itself select members of the council. The proposal was unanimously accepted. Deputy Stanek greeted the National Council in the name of the Czech Union as the supreme representative of the whole Czecho-Slovak nation, of all its cla.s.ses and parties. Thereupon Dr. Soukup proposed a resolution which was carried unanimously and the chief pa.s.sages of which read as follows:

"To the Czecho-Slovak Nation!

"On the decision of all political parties, representing the united will of our whole nation, the Czecho-Slovak National Council has been formed to-day. The immense gravity of the present times and our common concern for the future fate of the Czecho-Slovak nation have united us in a national organisation.

"The ultimate aim of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Prague is postulated by the demand of these times: _to enlist for systematic work, to organise and lead the great spiritual, moral and national resources of the nation_ to that end which is the most sacred and inalienable right of every nation and which cannot and will not be denied also to our nation:

"_The right of self-determination in a fully independent Czecho-Slovak State with its own administration within its own borders and under its own sovereignty_.

"The Czecho-Slovak National Council wish to interpret this will of the nation and to be the executive organ of all the common declarations of its delegates which culminated in the solemn oath of April 13, 1918.

"Our work will not be easy. We shall have to suffer much more opposition and _we shall have to undergo another great test._ But no obstacles are able to arrest our nation's progress. In full mutual agreement with our delegates and with the whole cultural and economic Czech world, the Czecho-Slovak National Council will faithfully fulfil its difficult and responsible task, so that it may be truly said before the conscience of the nation that we did everything that was in our human power.

"_We know that our whole nation stands behind the Czecho-Slovak National Council_ as one united rampart. Full of joy at the great political act which the const.i.tution of the National Council represents, and full of confidence in the victory of our common cause, we address to-day to the whole Czecho-Slovak nation an urgent appeal to support our work with all its strength, to obey all orders of common discipline and to follow firmly our common national aim."

It is significant that the presidency of this council is composed of four of the most eminent leaders of the four greatest parties in Bohemia: Dr.

Kramar, Klofac, Svehla and Soukup. All of these have been in prison during this war, as well as the following members of the council: Dr. Rasin and Cervinka, friends of Kramar; Cyril Dusek, former editor of Masaryk's organ _The Times_; Dr. Scheiner, president of the "Sokol" Gymnastic a.s.sociation; and Machar, the eminent Czech poet. Besides these the members of the council include: the Socialist leaders Bechyne, Habermann, Krejci, Nemec, Stivin, Meissner, Tusar and Vanek; the Clerical leaders Hruban, Sramek and Kordac; the author Jirasek; Agrarians Stanek (president of the Czech Union), Udrzal and Zahradnik, Dr. Herben, of Professor Masaryk's party, and others. _All Czech parties are represented on the council without exception,_ from the Socialists on the extreme Left to the Clericals on the extreme Right.

The council is the supreme organ of the Czecho-Slovak nation, and represents all its cla.s.ses and parties. It is a national organ and its sole aim is to work for the welfare of Bohemia, without any regard to Austria.

It stands above all party politics and is the supreme organ to which all disputes are referred that may arise affecting Czecho-Slovak national interests. Its aim is, in the words of its proclamation, "to enlist for systematic work, to organise and lead the great spiritual, moral and national resources of the Czecho-Slovak nation." Its ultimate object is to realise "the right of self-determination in a fully independent Czecho-Slovak State with its own administration within its own borders and under its own sovereignty." Its aims are obviously identical with those of the Czecho-Slovak Government in Paris, who alone, of course, are able to exercise the executive power as a government, especially to organise armies fighting on the side of the Entente. On the other hand, the National Council in Prague is organising the nation for the final blow which the Slavs will, no doubt at an opportune moment, strike at the Dual Monarchy.

Immediately after this important event most significant declarations were made by Czech deputies in the Reichsrat of Vienna. The Czech deputy _Tusar_ declared that "_the war must end with the creation of a Czecho-Slovak State_, with the victory of democratic ideas and with the defeat of militarism and despotism. We will obtain freedom, cost what it may."

Thereupon the Czech deputies sang the Czech national anthem.

The next day deputy _Stribrn_ delivered a speech which we have quoted in a previous chapter.

The most significant speech, however, was that of _Dr. Stransk_ in the Austrian Reichsrat on July 23, which surpa.s.ses any of those we have quoted hitherto in its frank anti-Austrian spirit and expression:

"We want to expose and show up before the whole world the _intolerable state of foreign domination over us_. You cannot prevent us, not only before a helpless curtailed parliament, not only before an illusory high court, but before the whole world, raising our voice against the Premier who is a typical representative of that _Austria whose mere existence is a constant and automatic prolongation of the war. One of the obstacles to peace is the oppression of nationalities in Austria_ and their domination by the Germans. _In this war the Germans, even if they do not openly admit it, have come to the conclusion that the German hegemony in Central Europe, and especially in Austria, is standing on its last legs_. Since they see that their predominance can no longer be maintained, they endeavour to translate all that they have acquired into reality, so as to secure the spoils for themselves. Thus the Germans conceived the idea of establis.h.i.+ng a province 'Deutschbohmen' which must be prepared by the establishment of district governments. From this a very interesting conclusion may be drawn--_that the Germans themselves lost faith in the further existence of Austria_, otherwise they would not be in a hurry to save their province Deutschbohmen in the present Austria. Because they rather wish for no Austria than for an Austria where they would not be able to rule, _they are already counting upon the break-up of Austria:_ since the Germans do not want to accept the solution of a free Danubian confederation of nations, they prepare already their union with the Hohenzollerns.

"But then we must ask the Germans to take nothing with them that does not belong to them. It is more than questionable whether Deutschbohmen really is German.