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With the citations from the _Legenda Antiqua_ the question is complicated and becomes a nice one. Was there a work of this name?
Certain authors, and among them the Bollandist Suysken, seem to incline toward the negative, and believe that to cite the _Legenda Antiqua_ is about the same as to refer vaguely to tradition. Others among contemporaries have thought that after the approbation and definitive adoption of Bonaventura's _Legenda Major_ by the Order the Legends anterior to that, and especially that of Celano, were called _Legenda Antiqua_. The Conformities permit us to look a little closer into the question. We find, in fact, pa.s.sages from the _Legenda Antiqua_ which reproduce Celano's First Life.[49] Others present points of contact with the Second, sometimes a literary exact.i.tude,[50] but often these are the same stories told in too different a way for us to consider them borrowed.[51]
Finally there are many of these extracts from the _Legenda Antiqua_ of which we find no source in any of the doc.u.ments already discussed.[52]
This would suffice to show that the two are not to be confounded. It has absorbed them and brought about certain changes while completing them with others.[53]
The study of the fragments which Bartolommeo has preserved to us shows immediately that this collection belonged to the party of the Zealots of Poverty; we might be tempted to see in it the work of Brother Leo.
Most fortunately there is a pa.s.sage where Bartolommeo di Pisa cites as being by Conrad di Offida a fragment which he had already cited before as borrowed from the _Legenda Antiqua_.[54] I would not exaggerate the value of an isolated instance, but it seems an altogether plausible hypothesis to make Conrad di Offida the author of this compilation. All that we know of him, of his tendencies, his struggle for the strict observance, accords with what the known fragments of the _Legenda Antiqua_ permit us to infer as to its author.[55]
However this may be, it appears that in this collection the stories have been given us (the princ.i.p.al source being the Legend of Brother Leo or the Three Companions before its mutilation) in a much less abridged form than in the Second Life of Celano. This work is hardly more than a second edition of that of Brother Leo, here and there completed with a few new incidents, and especially with exhortations to perseverance addressed to the persecuted Zealots.[56]
VIII. CHRONICLE OF GLa.s.sBERGER[57]
Evidently this work, written about 1508, cannot be cla.s.sed among the sources properly so called; but it presents in a convenient form the general history of the Order, and thanks to its citations permits us to verify certain pa.s.sages in the primitive legends of which Gla.s.sberger had the MS. before his eyes. It is thus in particular with the chronicle of Brother Giordano di Giano, which he has inserted almost bodily in his own work.
IX. CHRONICLE OF MARK OF LISBON[58]
This work is of the same character as that of Gla.s.sberger; it can only be used by way of addition. There is, however, a series of facts in which it has a special value; it is when the Franciscan missions in Spain or Morocco are in question. The author had doc.u.ments on this subject which did not reach the friars in distant countries.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] _Chronica fratris Jordani a Giano._ The text was published for the first time in 1870 by Dr. G. Voigt under the t.i.tle: "_Die Denkwurdigkeiten des Minoriten Jorda.n.u.s von Giano_ in the _Abhandlungen der philolog. histor. Cl. der Konigl. sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_," pp. 421-545, Leipsic, by Hirzel, 1870. Only one ma.n.u.script is known; it is in the royal library at Berlin (Ma.n.u.script. theolog. lat., 4to, n. 196, saec.
xiv., foliorum 141). It has served as the base of the second edition: _a.n.a.lecta franciscana sive Chronica aliaque doc.u.menta ad historiam minorum spectantia. Ad Claras Aquas (Quaracchi) ex typographia collegii S. Bonaventurae_, 1885, t. i., pp. 1-19.
Except where otherwise noted, I cite entirely this edition, in which is preserved the division into sixty-three paragraphs introduced by Dr. Voigt.
[2] Giord., 81.
[3] He names more than twenty four persons.
[4] It does not seem to me that we can look upon the account of the interview between Gregory IX. and Brother Giordano as rigorously accurate. Giord., 63.
[5] _Liber de adventu Minorum in Angliam_, published under the t.i.tle of _Monumenta Franciscana_ (in the series of _Rerum Britannicarum medii aevi scriptores_, _Roll series_) in two volumes, 8vo; the first through the care of J. S. Brewer (1858), the second through that of R. Howlett (1882). This text is reproduced without the scientific dress of the _a.n.a.lecta franciscana_, t. i., pp. 217-257. Cf. English Historical Review, v. (1890), 754. He has published an excellent critical edition of it, but unfortunately partial, in vol. xxviii., _Scriptorum_, of the _Monumenta Germaniae Historica_ by Mr. Liebermann, Hanover, 1888, folio, pp. 560-569.
[6] Eccl., 11; 13; 14; 15. Cf. Eccl., 14, where the author takes pains to say that Alberto of Pisa died at Rome, surrounded by English Brothers "_inter Anglicos_."
[7] Eccl., 4; 12.
[8] Eccl., 4; 5; 6; 7; 10; 12; 13; 14; 15.
[9] It was published, but with many suppressions, in 1857, at Parma. The Franciscans of Quaracchi prepared a new edition of it, which appeared in the _a.n.a.lecta Franciscana_. This work is in ma.n.u.script in the Vatican under no. 7260. Vide Ehrle.
_Zeitschrift fur kath. Theol._ (1883), t. vii., pp. 767 and 768.
The work of Mr. Cledat will be read with interest: _De fratre Salembene et de ejus chronicae auctoritate_, Paris, 4to, 1877, with fac simile.
[10] Father Ehrle has published it, but unfortunately not entire, in the _Archiv._, t. ii., pp. 125-155, text of the close of the fifth and of the sixth tribulation; pp. 256-327 text of the third, of the fourth, and of the commencement of the fifth.
He has added to it introductions and critical notes. For the parts not published I will cite the text of the Laurentian ma.n.u.script (Plut. 20, cod. 7), completed where possible with the Italian version in the National Library at Florence (Magliabecchina, x.x.xvii.-28). See also an article of Professor Tocco in the _Archivio storico italiano_, t. xvii. (1886), pp.
12-36 and 243-61, and one of Mr. Richard's: Library of the ecole des chartes, 1884, 5th livr. p. 525. Cf. Tocco, the _Eresia nel medio Evo_, p. 419 ff. As to the text published by Dollinger in his _Beitrage zur Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters_, Munich, 1890, 2 vols., 8vo, II. _Theil Dok.u.mente_, pp. 417-427, it is of no use. It can only beget errors, as it abounds with gross mistakes. Whole pages are wanting.
[11] _Archiv._, t. iii., pp. 406-409.
[12] Vide _Archiv._, i., p. 557 ... "_Et hoc totum ex rapacitate et malignitate luporum pastorum qui voluerunt esse pastores, sed operibus negaverunt deum_," et seq. Cf., p. 562: "_Avaritia et symoniaca heresis absque pallio regnat et fere totum invasit ecclesie corpus_."
[13] "_Qui excommunicat et hereticat altissimam evangelii paupertatem, excommunicatus est a Deo et hereticus coram Christo, qui est eterna et in commutabilis veritas._" _Arch._, i., p. 509. "_Non est potestas contra christum Dominum et contra evangelium._" Ib. p. 560. He closes one of his letters with a sentence of a mysticism full of serenity, and which lets us see to the bottom of the hearts of the Spiritual Brothers. "_Totum igitur studium esse debet quod unum inseparabiliter simus per Francisc.u.m in Christo._" Ib., p. 564.
[14] For example in the list of the first six generals of the Order.
[15] The first (1219-1226) extends from the departure of St.
Francis for Egypt up to his death; the second includes the generalate of Brother Elias (1232-1239); the third that of Crescentius (1244-1248); the fourth, that of Bonaventura (1257-1274); the fifth commences with the epoch of the council of Lyon (1274) and extends up to the death of the inquisitor, Thomas d'Aversa (1204). And the sixth goes from 1308 to 1323.
[16] "_Supererant adhuc multi de sociis b. Francisci ... et alii non pauci de quibus ego vidi et ab ipsis audivi quae narro._"
Laur. Ms., cod. 7, pl. xx., f^o 24a: "_Qui pa.s.si sunt eam (tribulationem tertiam) socii fundatoris fratres Aegdius et Angelus, qui supererant me audiente referibant_." Laur. Ms., f^o 27b. Cf., Italian Ms., x.x.xvii., 28, Magliab., f^o 138b.
[17] The date of his death is unknown; on August 11, 1253, he was present at the death-bed of St. Clara.
[18] Died April 23, 1261.
[19] "_Quem (fratrem Jacob.u.m de Ma.s.sa) dirigente me fratre Johanne socio fratris prefati Egidii videre laboravi. Hic enim frater Johannes ... dixit mihi_...." _Arch._, ii., p. 279.
[20] " ... _Tribulationes preteritas memoravi, ut audivi ab illis qui sustinuerunt eas et aliqua commemoravi de hiis que didici in quatuor legendis quas vidi et legi._" _Arch._, ii., p.
135.--"_Vitam pauperis et humilis viri Dei Francisci trium ordinum fundatoris quatuor solemnes personae scripserunt, fratres videlicet scientia et sanct.i.tate praeclari, Johannes et Thomas de Celano, frater Bonaventura unus post Beatum Francisc.u.m Generalis Minister et vir mirae simplicitatis et sanct.i.tatis frater Leo, ejusdem sancti Francisci socius. Has quatuor descriptiones seu historias qui legerit_...." Laurent. MS., pl. xx., c. 7, f^o 1a.
Did the Italian translator think there was an error in this quotation? I do not know, but he suppressed it. At f^o 12a of ma.n.u.script x.x.xvii., 28, of the Magliabecchina, we read: "_Incominciano alcune croniche del ordine franciscano, come la vita del povero e humile servo di Dio Francesco fondatore del minorico ordine fu scripta da San Bonaventura e da quatro altri frati. Queste poche scripture ovveramente hystorie quello il quale diligentemente le leggiera, expeditamente potra cognoscere ... la vocatione la sant.i.ta di San Francisco._"
[21] Laur. MS., f^o 4b ff. On the other hand we read in a letter of Clareno: "_Ad hanc (paupertatem) perfecte servandam Christus Francisc.u.m vocavit et elegit in hac hora novissima et precepit ei evangelicam a.s.sumere regulam, et a papa Innocentio fuit omnibus annuntiatum in concilio generali, quod de sua auctoritate et obedientia sanctus Franciscus evangelicam vitam et regulam a.s.sumpserat et Christo inspirante servare promiserat, sicut sanctus vir fr. Leo scribit et fr. Johannes de Celano._"
_Archiv._, i., p. 559.
[22] "_Audiens enim semel quorundam fratrum enormes excessus, ut fr. Thomas de Celano scribit, et malum exemplum per eos secularibus datum._" Laur. MS., f^o 13b. The pa.s.sage which follows evidently refers to 2 Cel., 3, 93 and 112.
[23] "_Et fecerunt de regula prima ministri removeri capitulum istud de prohibitionibus sancti evangelii, sicut frater Leo scribit._" Laur. Ms. f^o 12b. Cf. _Spec._, 9a, see p. 248. "_Nam c.u.m rediisset de partibus ultramarinis, minister quidam loquebatur c.u.m eo, ut frater Leo refert, de capitulo paupertatis_," f^o 13a, cf. _Spec._, 9a, "_S. Franciscus, teste fr. Leone, frequenter et c.u.m multo studio recitabat fabulam ...
quod oportebat finaliter ordinem humiliari et ad sue humilitatis principia confitenda et tenenda reduci_." _Archiv._, ii., p.
129.
There is only one point of contact between the Legend of the Three Companions, such as it is to-day, and these pa.s.sages; but we find on the contrary revised accounts in the _Speculum_ and in the other collections, where they are cited as coming from Brother Leo.
[24] Clareno, for example, holds that the Cardinal Ugolini had sustained St. Francis without approving of the first Rule, in concert with Cardinal Giovanni di San Paolo. This is possible, since Ugolini was created cardinal in 1198 (Vide Cardella: _Memorie storiche de' Cardinali_, 9 vols., 8vo, Rome, 1792-1793, t. i., pt. 2, p. 190). Besides this would better explain the zeal with which he protected the divers Orders founded by St.
Francis, from 1217. The chapter where Clareno tells how St.
Francis wrote the Rule shows the working over of the legend, but it is very possible that he has borrowed it in its present form from Brother Leo. It is to be noted that we do not find in this doc.u.ment a single allusion to the Indulgences of Portiuncula.
[25] The ma.n.u.scripts and editions are well-nigh innumerable. M.
Luigi Manzoni has studied them with a carefulness that makes it much to be desired that he continue this difficult work. _Studi sui Fioretti_: Miscelenea, 1888, pp. 116-119, 150-152, 162-168; 1889, 9-15, 78-84, 132-135. When shall we find some one who can and will undertake to make a scientific edition of them? Those which have appeared during our time in the various cities of Italy are insignificant from a critical point of view. See Mazzoni Guido, _Capitoli inediti dei Fioretti di S. Francesco_, in the _Propugnatore_, Bologna, 1888, vol. xxi., pp. 396-411.
[26] Vide A. SS., p. 865: "_Floretum non legi, nec curandum putavi._" Cf. 553f: "_Floretum ad manum non habeo._"
[27] Bartolommeo di Pisa compiled it in 1385; then certain ma.n.u.scripts of the Fioretti are earlier. Besides, in the stories that the Conformities borrow from the Fioretti, we perceive Bartolommeo's work of abbreviation.
[28] I am speaking here only of the fifty-three chapters which form the true collection of the Fioretti.
[29] The province of the March of Ancona counted seven custodias: 1, Ascoli; 2, Camerino; 3, Ancona; 4, Jesi; 5, Fermo; 6, Fano; 7, Felestro. The Fioretti mention at least six of the monasteries of the custodia of Fermo: Moliano, 51, 53; Fallerone, 32, 51; Bruforte and Soffiano, 46, 47; Ma.s.sa, 51; Penna, 45; Fermo, 41, 49, 51.