The Customs of Old England Part 5

HEAVITREE, DEVON

1667. "Given towards the maintenance of one Laskey, a poor Scholler for Oxforde 4"

(This was one Nicholas Laskey, who was a son of Henry Laskey, of Heavitree, and was entered in the books of Wadham College as "filius pauperis." He matriculated May 23, 1667, at the age of seventeen; and was rector of Eggesford in 1674, and of Worthington in 1687.)

These examples are all comparatively late, but we may be certain that the practice to which they bear testimony had existed at a much earlier period, when contributions had been sought, not only from custodians of church funds, but from private persons, to whose charitable instincts or devout inclinations necessitous clerks successfully appealed. Chaucer says of his clerk of Oxenford:

Yet hadde he but litel gold in cofre: But al that he myghte of his frendes hente, On bokes and on lerning he it spente, And bisily gan for the soules preye Of hem that gaf him wher-with to scolaye.

This diligent and conscientious student "loked holwe," and his "courtefy" was threadbare.

In MS. Lansdowne 762 is a poem wherein a husbandman is represented as complaining of the many charges of which he is the subject--taxes to the court, payments to the church, and exactions in the name of charity.

Included in the last of these categories is alms to scholars:

Than cometh clerkys of Oxford and make their mone; To her schole-hire they must have money.

It is hardly likely, perhaps, that such "scholar-gypsies" always procured licences, but such were issued, and, when obtained, were doubtless efficacious in promoting the object which the applicant had in view. The following is a specimen in English dress, the original being in Latin, and dated July 15, 1467:

"To the whole of the sons of Holy Mother Church, to whom the present letter may come, Thomas Chaundler, Professor of Sacred Theology, and Chancellor of the University of Oxford, greeting in the Saviour of all.

"Know the whole of you that we, with full affection, recommend to your wors.h.i.+ps by reason of his deserts N., a scholar of this University, a peaceable, and honest, and praiseworthy student, strongly beseeching you that when he shall chance to traverse your places, lands, castles, towns, fortresses, lords.h.i.+ps, jurisdictions, and pa.s.sages, ye freely suffer him to cross them without let, trouble, arrest, or injury, with his goods and chattels, or to make halt in his expeditions; and if at any time it shall befall that wrong be done him in person, chattels, or goods, ye deign to remedy the same as may behove in remembrance of the aforesaid University. Further, deign to a.s.sist him, when need press, with your charitable favours, receive him whom we recommend, and succour him with the protection of charity, devoutly considering that him who pitieth shall G.o.d also pity in meet and acceptable time.

"Given at Oxford, under the Seal of the Office of the Chancellery of the aforesaid University on the fifth day of the month of July in the fourteenth hundred and sixtieth year of our Lord."

From the wording of this letter-testimonial it would be a reasonable inference that it was granted to enable the recipient to travel to his home or some other place, but in certain cases the object may have been to replenish an exhausted purse and aid the distressed scholar to complete his academic course.

"Many," remarks Mr. A. Clark, "were in a condition of extreme poverty, which it is now difficult to recognize or even to imagine.... [They]

were exempted from University and College dues, and lived from what they received from colleges or individual graduates in payment of the different menial services which they rendered." He gives a list of fifteen Oxford scholars to whom licences were accorded between 1551 and 1572, their duration varying from seven weeks to eight months. In the sixteenth century such pa.s.sports had become necessary, or, at least, the absence of them, where scholars resorted to begging for a livelihood, was attended with serious risk. By the 4th section of the Act of 22 Henry VIII. c. 12: "Scolers of the Universities of Oxford & Cambrydge that goo about beggyng, not being aucthorysed under the Seale of the sayde Universities," were to be punished as idle rogues, and that punishment was far from light. This section was included in the Act of Elizabeth of 1571-2, but omitted from that of 1596-7.

Scholars were often reduced not only to beg, but to borrow; and as this method of raising money might not always have been easy, even where security was offered, a system of pledging was devised by the authorities for the benefit of impecunious members of the University, both high and low. In all essentials this department is hardly distinguishable from a p.a.w.nbroking establishment conducted under respectable auspices, but we should go sadly astray if we suffered our views of the inst.i.tution to be tinged by the a.s.sociations of a dingy shop in some back street in which hopeless penury plays its last s.h.i.+ft.

We should rather turn our eyes to the beatific vision of the Mons Pietatis as pictured by Botticelli--a hillock of florins, with the kneeling forms of worthy suppliants and the cloud-borne founder crowned by angelic hands. The poor scholar did not part definitely with his cherished possession; he might hope to recover it in sunnier days, and meanwhile he was enabled to tide himself over an awkward emergency. At the same time the brokers took care to make the transaction a source of profit to the University.

The earliest benefaction for the support of scholars at Oxford consisted in the annual payment of forty s.h.i.+llings by the townsmen in atonement for the execution of certain clerks. In the year 1219 this charge was undertaken by the Abbey of Eynsham, by which the fine was punctually disbursed to the period of its dissolution. A similar but smaller contribution was made by the Abbey of Oseney, but nothing is known as to its origin. Irregularities in the application of these funds induced the Chancellor, Robert Grosseteste, in 1240, to frame an ordinance which resulted in the creation of the "Frideswyde Chest." This treasury was the parent of many others--at the close of the fifteenth century there were as many as twenty-four--and it long remained the typical, as it was the earliest, form of scholastic benefaction, existing side by side with the foundation of colleges, to which it gave an important impetus. The management of these chests was, in all cases, practically identical. The preamble of the ordinance, by which the administration of the funds was regulated, first stated the name of the donor, and then proceeded to announce the desire of the University to requite his liberality by annual ma.s.ses and celebrations. The beneficiaries also were enjoined to repeat so many "Pater Nosters" and "Aves" for the repose of his soul.

Next followed particulars of the sums that might be borrowed and those to whom they might be advanced, always on condition that a pledge of equal or greater value was first deposited by the borrower. The term within which the pledge might be redeemed was specified, as also the time at which an unredeemed pledge was to be sold after due notice had been given by public proclamation. It was usual to appoint as guardians a North and a South countryman, so as to obviate any complaints as to the allocation of the funds, and provision was made for the registration of loans and the audit of the accounts. The last chest to be founded--this was in the latter half of the sixteenth century--placed at the disposal of the University a sum raising the total amount to not less than two thousand marks; and the capital, not merely the interest, was available for the relief of embarra.s.sed scholars. The pledges were valued by the sworn stationer of the University, and that they were expected to exceed in value the amount of the loan is shown by the terms of ordinances, in some of which the guardians are required to submit to the auditors an account of the capital and increase. In spite of precaution, however, cases of peculation were not unknown, for, on more than one occasion, guardians were accused of embezzlement, and there are statutes complaining of the "marvellous disappearance" of funds, the property of the University, and safeguarding their future administration.

The chests were divided into two categories--the "Summer" and the "Winter." This distinction seems to have been due to the date of the election of the guardians. In this matter, however, there was considerable variation, and in later ages the stipulations of the ordinances, in which the bequests were embodied, ceased to be observed.

Another circ.u.mstance which deserves notice is that in the reforms inst.i.tuted in the time of Archbishop Laud nearly all traces of this benevolent system were obliterated, and the names of founders--John Pontysera, Bishop of Winchester, Gilbert Routhbury, Philip Turville, John Langton, W. de Seltone, Dame Joan Danvers, etc.--consigned to the shades of academic oblivion. During the period when the funds were employed in conformity with the testator's design, the authorities, in their wisdom, ignored limitations of age, birth, and neighbourhood, and thus any member of the University, sophist or questionist, bachelor or master, was ent.i.tled to a share of the benefit. This wide charity cannot have met with unanimous approval. Large as the fund was, it would hardly have sufficed for the needs of every ill-clothed and ill-fed scholar; and, in the distribution of the money, it would be only in accord with common experience of human nature if an enterprising official, whose eagerness had outstripped his resources, should be preferred to some pinched, obscure stripling, and receive a wholly disproportionate share of the eleemosynary grant.

As an ill.u.s.tration of what sometimes occurred, we may take the case of Master Henry Sever, Warden of Merton Hall. He had carried out certain repairs of the buildings, and, in order to discharge the bill, had borrowed from Seltone chest the maximum amount permitted by the ordinance--sixty s.h.i.+llings. To obtain this advance he had pledged an illuminated missal of considerably greater value, and now he had come prepared to redeem it. He finds that the missal had been lent to some client for the purpose of inspection, a silver cup, estimated by the stationer to be worth even more, being deposited in its stead. This is not precisely what Master Sever had wanted. However, he takes the cup, a.s.sured that he will presently be able to negotiate an exchange with the person in possession of his missal.

This serves as a reminder that, if money was scarce, books--the mainspring of intellectual activity--were yet scarcer; and it is of the utmost interest to inquire how this famine of the arts was mitigated.

Oral lectures were the rule, but books could not be entirely dispensed with; and even Wardens might not always be in a position to procure all the works of which they stood in need. The obvious remedy was a library or libraries; and such collections--they arrived in good time, chiefly through the bequests of virtuosi--const.i.tuted an invaluable resource to that vast horde of scholars whose scanty means would not allow them to purchase books. As the result of Mr. Blakiston's research, the famous library with which Richard Aungerville is said to have endowed Durham College, and, according to Adam de Murimuth, filled five carts, turns out to be a myth or rather a pious intention. The good Bishop died deep in debt, and the books, if preserved as a collection, went, it is now certain, elsewhere. Thirty-five years later, however, another bishop, Thomas Cobham, of Worcester, who died in 1327, bequeathed to the University a ma.s.s of books, and the statute referring to them provides that they shall be chained in convenient order in the "soler" over the old Congregation House, where all the property of the University was stored. The books were to be in the custody of a chaplain, who was to pray for the soul of the donor.

Another statute relates to a "chest of four keys," from which it appears that books were kept in coffers and lent upon indenture or security, exactly as was done in the case of money. It was also a by no means infrequent occurrence for persons to give or bequeath books on condition that they were chained in the chancel of the church for the use of scholars and periodically inspected by the chancellor and proctors. By far the greatest benefactor of the University in the matter of books was Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, who made many valuable presents during his lifetime, and on his death, in 1447, a final large instalment was added to the store. Of these only one remains in the Bodleian Library, but in contemporary letters there are many notes expressing grat.i.tude for, and appreciation of, this splendid munificence, which advanced the cause of learning more perhaps than any other donation recorded in the annals of the University.

The well-being of the librarian was, very properly, a subject of concern. By an ordinance of 1412 his stipend was raised, and he became recognized as one of the chief officers of the University. Lest "hope deferred" should produce slackness in the performance of his duties, the proctors were bound to pay his salary regularly, and, as a further encouragement, every beneficed graduate, on his inception, was required to make him a present of clothes. A similar custom prevailed with regard to the bedels, and it is sententiously remarked that it would be absurd for one adorned with superior dignity to be endued with inferior privileges.

The ordinance of 1412 brought about other changes. At the outset the library was accessible to all scholars at stated times; permission was now confined to graduates or religious, and, in the case of the latter, to those who were of eight years' standing _in philosophia_. Thus a monk named Hardwyke, who did not possess this qualification, had to sue for a "grace," and even then the privilege was limited to one term. The reasons for these restrictions probably were that the undergraduate const.i.tuency in those days was composed, in a great degree, of careless and dirty boys, who would be apt to soil the ma.n.u.scripts, while the monks had their own libraries, to which they could resort without encroaching on the slender resources of masters and bachelors. All graduates on admission were required to take a solemn oath that they would handle the books _modo honesto et pacifico, nulli librorum per turpitudinem aut rasuras abolitionesque foliorum, praejudicium inferendo_.

The librarian was granted a month's vacation, and the library was closed on Sundays and holy days, unless it should chance that a distinguished stranger desired to visit it, when leave was given him from sunrise to sunset, subject to the condition that he was not followed by a loud rabble. At all other times, the hours during which the library was open were from nine to eleven o'clock a.m., and from one to four o'clock p.m.

Suspended on the wall was a large board inscribed with the names both of the books and the donors "lest oblivion, the stepmother of memory, should pluck from our b.r.e.a.s.t.s the remembrance of our benefactors." To the same intent thrice every quarter a solemn ma.s.s of the Holy Ghost, and once every quarter a requiem ma.s.s, were said at the altar of St.

Katherine in the Church of the Blessed Virgin. Every night the books and the windows of the library were closed, and, with certain rare exceptions, books were not permitted to be removed.

ACADEMIC

CHAPTER VIII

OF THE PRIVILEGE

While money and books were the twin bases on which the fabric of the University reposed, it is plain that a great inst.i.tution of the sort would involve the employment of numerous agencies not strictly concerned with the work of instruction, but engaged upon the not less necessary functions of maintaining order and ministering to the needs of the body.

All persons so occupied were accounted as "of the privilege of the University," and were subject to the jurisdiction of the Chancellor.

From an indenture between the University of Oxford and the Town, dated 1459, we find that the Privilege embraced:

"The Chaunceller, alle doctours, maistres, other graduats, alle studients, alle scholers, and alle clerkes, dwellyng within the precint of the Universite, of what condicion, ordre or degree soever they be, every dailly continuell servant to eny of theym bifore rehersed belonging, the styward of the Universite wyth their menyall men, also alle Bedells with their dailly servants and their householdes, all catours, manciples, spencers, c.o.kes, lavenders, povere children of scolers or clerkes, within the precinct of the said Universite, also alle other servants taking clothing or hyre by the yere, half yere, or quarter of the yere takyng atte leste for the yere vi. s.h.i.+llings and viij. pence, for the half iii. s.h.i.+llings and iv. pence, and the quarter xx. pence of any doctour, maister, graduat, scoler or clerc without fraud or malengyne; also, alle common caryers, bryngers of scolers to the Universite, or their money, letters, or eny especiall message to eny scoler or clerk, or fetcher of eny scoler or clerk fro the Universite for the tyme of such fetchyng or bryngyng or abidyng in the Universite to that entent."

Parchment-makers, illuminators, scribes, barbers, and tailors were also, by convention, members of the Privilege.

Before going farther, it will be well to inquire what is intended by the "precinct of the University." There appears to have been some amount of uncertainty as to the radius included. In 1444 Henry VI. granted authority to the Chancellor to banish any contumacious person from the precinct of the University, which was taken to mean a circuit of twelve miles. On the other hand, on March 17, 1458, David Ap-Thomas swore on the Holy Gospels that he would keep the peace towards the members of the University, would inform the authorities of any plot against them which might come to his knowledge, would not a.s.sist in rescuing Richard Lude from prison, and would leave Oxford on the following day, nor presume to come within _ten_ miles of the University for twelve weeks.

THE BEDELS

Of all the persons named as of the Privilege the bedels, as the executive officers, most distinctly represent its character and extent.

The office of bedel was, of course, not confined to the Universities. In London, for example, the wards had their bedels, who were sworn, _inter alia_, to suffer no persons of ill repute to dwell in the ward of which they were bedels, and to return good men upon inquests. They were also to have a good horn and loud sounding. At Oxford the bedels were bound to make summonses for scholars at their request, and to arrest wrong-doers. The latter duty was naturally attended with some peril; and in 1457, one Richard of the Castle, flying from the hands of Came, Bedel, with drawn dagger, because he refused to go to prison, was banished from the University. Fines also were levied by the bedels, and they played a conspicuous part in the ceremonies of Congregation and similar a.s.semblies. As the position was liable to abuse, they were bound by certain restrictions. Thus, they were forbidden to ask or receive [extraordinary?] fees from inceptors[3] and to carry anything away with them from the feasts at inceptions. They were required to attend funerals, but might not ask for a share of the offerings, nor for any present from the executors of the dead. And they had to give up their maces at the first congregation after Michaelmas, but were eligible for reappointment.

The bedels were of two grades--higher and lower; and the superior bedels were bound by immemorial usage to provide the inferior bedels with board and lodging and ten s.h.i.+llings a year for shoes. In 1337 the latter, on resigning their office in congregation, according to custom, complained that the superior bedels had neglected to furnish them with board.

Thereupon the University decreed that the inferior bedels should be granted the option of standing at meals with the superior or receiving a weekly allowance of sevenpence as compensation. This allowance was to be suspended during the absence from Oxford of any inferior bedel, whether occasioned by his own affairs or those of the University. The annual payment of ten s.h.i.+llings for shoes was confirmed. Failure to observe these regulations subjected superior bedels to the loss of their office when the time came for the maces to be resumed.

The question will naturally arise--From what source, or sources, did the superior bedels obtain the means not only to provide for their necessities, but also to feed, house, and, to some extent, clothe their hungry and dissatisfied dependents? Light is thrown upon this subject in a way which shows that the superior bedels themselves may not have been without a grievance. At any rate, about seventy years later--in 1411--an ordinance draws attention to omissions on the part of the students, evidently inconvenient at the time, in the following words:

"The charity of students has in these latter days grown cold, so that they no longer make collections for the Doctors and Masters of their several faculties, nor _make due presents to the Bedels_; therefore it is decreed that henceforth all scholars, on receiving notices from a Doctor, Master, or Bedel of their respective faculties shall pay regular contributions according to the ancient statutes on pain of losing the current year of their academical course, and of forfeiting their privilege; and all princ.i.p.als of halls, at the notice of the Doctors, Masters, or Bedels, shall within a month from the commencement of such collection, take care that the members of their societies contribute, and send in the names of those who fail to do so to the Chancellor under a penalty of twenty s.h.i.+llings: and every Doctor or Master shall pay the Bedel honestly within a month from the commencement of the collection."

From a notice of the year 1432 it transpires that the bedels received one-twelfth of all fines inflicted for misdemeanours; and, in 1434, prior to the admission of inceptors, the Chancellor announced that each inceptor would be required to pay the ordinary fee of thirty s.h.i.+llings and a pair of buckskin gloves for each bedel, or, in lieu of gloves, five s.h.i.+llings to be divided among the bedels. Two licentiates protested against such payment, stating that it was contrary to the statutes, whereupon an inquiry was held, by which it was established that these fees had been paid to the bedels from time immemorial and were therefore due.

The appointment of the bedels rested with the Regent Masters, and was one of their most jealously guarded prerogatives. Mention has been made of John Came, who for many years held the office of bedel. When he was elected, in 1433, by four Regent Masters and the two Proctors in congregation, an attempt was made by the Chancellor and the Doctors of the four faculties to subst.i.tute a nominee of their own, one Benedict Stokes, on the ground that they were the senior members of the University, and represented a majority of their faculties. Realizing that the supremacy of the Faculty of Arts was menaced, the Proctors resisted this claim and demanded the admission of Came, with the result that the Chancellor reluctantly gave way. An appeal was entered by Richard Cauntone, a doctor of laws, and the candidate, Benedict Stokes, but three days later was renounced by both of them as frivolous, and their cautions were forfeited. Even then the matter did not end. Two days afterwards, information came to the Proctors that one of the doctors had given his scholars to understand that the election would have been invalid but for a vote recorded by a doctor. Thereupon the Proctors, in order to settle the question once for all, summoned a congregation, by which it was determined that the phrase "major part"

imported a numerical majority.

The election of bedels was conducted in the same way as that of the Chancellor. Every such election was preceded by three proclamations made within eight "legible" days after the office had become vacant.

The relations between the University and the Town will be dealt with presently. Here it may be noticed that the bedels exercised some control over the proceedings of the townsmen which concerned the interests of students. As an ill.u.s.tration, when the goods and chattels of Harry Keys, a scholar, which had been left in the house of Thomas Manciple, were "presyd" betwixt Thomas Smyth and Davy d.y.k.er, the valuers were sworn before John Wykam, Bedel.

If the bedels, as public officials, were necessarily and conspicuously of the Privilege, the remark is not less true of those humbler functionaries, the personal attendants of the scholars. As we have seen, the payment of the bedels depended in part on collections, and the gains of the scholars' servants were derived from the same source. Every master was compelled by statute to exact contributions from his scholars at the end of term at what was called "collection." At the present time the expression is applied to terminal examinations, and this use of it originated from the circ.u.mstance that fees were paid by the scholars varying in accordance with the subject of study. For grammar the statutable amount was eightpence, for natural philosophy fourpence, and for logic threepence per term, and it was usual to reckon four terms to the year. To each scholar were allotted two servants--a superior and an inferior; the former receiving threepence, and the latter one penny per term. There was no evading these charges; even the poorest student had to pay "scot and lot" towards the support of both cla.s.ses of menials, some of whom were doubtless better off than himself. The division of these servants into orders, resembling those of the bedels, has descended to modern days, most Oxford colleges having their upper and under "scouts." This, it has been well observed, "is a curious instance of the vitality of insignificant customs, which exist while the greater give place to new."

At the commencement of the chapter, a list was furnished of various occupations--more or less connected with the work of the University--the professors of which were regarded as of the Privilege. The term "privilege," in this and similar contexts, denotes administrative autonomy and special jurisdiction; and members of these trades were amenable to the Chancellor, while the Chancellor had to answer for their good behaviour to the King and Parliament. In the Middle Ages the Chancellor was not, as he is to-day, a permanent and ornamental figure-head, the duties properly pertaining to the office being discharged by the Vice-Chancellor. He was the active and dominant centre of University life, and, as such, took cognizance of numerous details which would now be deemed too petty, and even ridiculous, for a personage of his dignity and importance. So great, however, was the pressure of judicial and other business that it was necessary that he should be relieved of part of the burden, and thus we often find commissaries sitting in his room and stead.