From Workhouse to Westminster Part 26

Only the other day he saw the following advertis.e.m.e.nt in the _Yorks.h.i.+re Post_:--

M.P.--A gentleman, thirty, holding a responsible position in London, desirous of entering Parliament, wishes to meet with an affectionate and wealthy lady, view matrimony. Genuine. Highest credentials.

It might be suggested that men would go into the House of Commons simply to make a living out of it. But was there not in the present House more than one member who made a pretty good thing out of the privilege of being able to attach the magic letters "M.P." to their names? However that might be, he ventured to a.s.sert that the administrative capacity of this country had never yet been properly tapped.

It was said a man needed to be trained for political life. Yes, but where? Was it at the University? Was it by taking a double first at Oxford or Cambridge that he would turn out a great law-maker, or was it by constant contact with humanity? He had seen in the Press an observation to the effect that it was all very well for Labour to have its representatives in Parliament, but what did they know of those great historic and important questions which so vitally affected the interests and welfare of the nation? His answer to that was that it was infinitely more important to the average industrial worker of this country that the conditions of life should be bettered, and that an opportunity should be given for men to enter the House who knew what he wanted.

He was one of those who believed that practical knowledge of working men would prove exceedingly helpful in the deliberations of the House. There were too many academically-trained men and too few practical men engaged in the government of the country. He had been in touch with working-men for years and years; he had sat with them on administrative bodies, and his experience was that one touch of nature was worth infinitely more than all the academic training Oxford or Cambridge could give.

The speech was listened to with sympathetic interest, frequently producing laughter and cheers. The motion, however, was talked out by the Government's supporters.

In his election address Crooks had shown that he wanted women to have the vote. It was with much satisfaction, therefore, that he introduced the Women's Enfranchis.e.m.e.nt Bill prepared by the Independent Labour Party. The second reading not having been reached when the Session closed, the Bill fell through. Similar measures which have his support have been introduced since. He hopes they will be brought forward regularly until a woman's right to the franchise is recognised.

He gave in the _Review of Reviews_ his reasons for introducing the Bill that bore his name:--

"It is because in all my public work I aim at making the people self-reliant, able to think and act for themselves, that I want women to have the power and the responsibility that the possession of the vote gives. It is by this rather than by any consideration of how their votes would be used that I ask for woman's suffrage. At the same time I believe that the cause of progress has nothing to fear from this reform.

We entrust to women as teachers and as mothers the all-important work of educating the future citizens. How absurd, then, to hesitate to give to women the rights of a citizen. As regards the women of the working-cla.s.s, I point out constantly that all the many social questions that are pressing for settlement affect these women as much as, if not more than, they affect their husbands. We must give women a share in settling such questions."

He went on, in the course of further remarks in the same magazine, to lay great stress on the importance of organisation and of agitation in order to secure the vote for women. There should be local workers in every const.i.tuency. Every member of the House of Commons should have strong pressure brought to bear upon him. No woman, he urged, should work for any candidate who is not a supporter of women's franchise. If the candidate put forward by her own political party cannot support this, she should work for the candidate who can, no matter to what party he belonged.

"If women are in earnest on this question," he added, "they must prove it by putting principle before party, and making the enfranchis.e.m.e.nt of their s.e.x the first object of all their political work."

On political platforms he often mentioned an incident that arose in connection with a protest he made against the low wages paid to women in the Government's Victualling Yard at Deptford.

"It's starvation," he told one of the responsible officials, "to pay widows with families 14s. a week."

"But it's constant," said the amazed official.

"So, you see," Crooks adds in telling the incident, "that Government officials think starvation's all right so long as it's constant. Do you think this system of constant starvation would be tolerated for a day if women had the vote?"

Before Mr. Balfour's Government came to an end, Crooks had become one of the popular speakers of the House. He brought into Parliament a lively conversational style rarely found in that a.s.sembly. His quaint witticisms, his telling ill.u.s.trations from the every-day life of the people, together with his downright sincerity, his tolerance and restraint, won him the good-will of both sides of the House. Whether pleading for underfed school children, for the unemployed, or speaking against the taxation of the people's food, he was generally admitted to be bright and forceful. He never spoke without bringing a new point of view to the debate. "Jehu Junior," writing in _Vanity Fair_, said of him:--

His tact and common-sense served him as well in the House as they had done in settling Labour disputes at Poplar. By never debating any subject but those on which he has special knowledge, and by his perfect good temper and modesty, he became one of the men whose politics arouse no personal animosity on the "other side."

Of him and the other Labour men in that Parliament--the small band of stalwarts who were reinforced so strongly at the General Election of 1906--Mr. John Morley, addressing his own const.i.tuents at Montrose, said:--

Will anybody, who has watched the life of the House of Commons, say that in moderation of demeanour, in decency of manners, in self-respect, in freedom from swagger and a.s.sumption, these men have shown themselves inferior to men sitting by their side who have had all the opportunities of wealth, education, and culture?

If I were leaving the House of Commons to-morrow, and were called upon to adjudicate a prize, I would impartially give the prize for good manners, for self-respect, for moderation of statement, for respect for the audience they addressed in the House of Commons, to the dozen Labour men whom we have had the pleasure of having among us rather than to a dozen gentlemen I could name if I liked.

From the other side of the House came the testimony of Sir John Gorst.

The ex-Conservative Minister brought out his book, "The Children of the Nation"--wherein he argues that it is the duty of the State to see that the nation's children are well fed, well housed, and well clothed--with the following dedication:--"To the Labour Members of the House of Commons in token of my belief that they are animated by a genuine desire to ameliorate the condition of the people."

CHAPTER XXV

FREE TRADE IN THE NAME OF THE POOR

M.P.'s Investments and their Votes--A Lecture from a Lady of t.i.tle--Urged to give up some of his Public Work--Defending Free Trade throughout the Country--Ridiculing Tariff Reform at Birmingham--A Brush with Mr. Chamberlain--Real "Little Englanders."

"Show me where a man has his money invested and I will tell you how he will vote."

Such was Crooks's way of summing up the House of Commons before he had been a Member many months. Someone had expressed surprise to him that both Liberal and Conservative Members should have combined to support the proposed Electric Trust for London when the L.C.C. was promoting a munic.i.p.al scheme.

"The first lesson one learns in Parliament," he replied, "is that the two great parties generally forget their political differences when the just claims of the people threaten their pockets."

It amused him to find that many Members preferred the smoking room and the Terrace to the House. It was on the Terrace he overheard a Conservative Member ask a Liberal:--

"Are you in favour of this Bill?"

"I think I am," came the halting reply.

"That's all right, then; I'm against it. We needn't go up to vote--we'll pair."

And Crooks left those British legislators smoking on the Terrace, since it was too much trouble to them to go inside and vote.

It was on the Terrace one afternoon that a party of t.i.tled ladies, taking tea, sought his acquaintance. They immediately began to lecture him on his duty to the poor.

"I think you are supremely stupid to bother about the poor as you do, Mr. Crooks," said one of the dames from behind her fan. "I am told they are always coming to your house to consult you about their troubles. If they came to my house I should order them away."

"I'm sure you would, madam."

"And if those dreadful people were only like me they wouldn't listen to what you tell them."

"I'm sure they wouldn't, madam."

"You needn't be sarcastic, Mr. Crooks. I would send them to the Poor Law officers or the Charity Organisation people."

And then, as another honourable member joined the party, the good lady turned to him:

"I'm just teaching Mr. Crooks his place."

"Indeed," said the Labour man, "I thought I was teaching you yours."

It was more agreeable to him when accosted by one of the policemen on duty in the House.

"Well, Mr. Crooks, how's Poplar?"

"You know Poplar?"

"Yes, I used to be stationed that way. I well remember your Dock Gate meetings. I liked the Poplar people better than the West Enders. You take it from me, Mr. Crooks, there's far more respect for law and order in Poplar than there is in the West End."