The Deeds of God Through the Franks Part 11

*Cahiers de civilisation medievale*, XXI (1978), pp.

247-263.

[12] *La tradition ma.n.u.scrite de Guibert de Nogent*, The Hague, 1991, p. 20. Last year, however, in a note informing me of the impending publication of his edition of the , Professor Huygens reported that he has changed his mind. The latest modern edition is more than 100 years old, *(Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Historiens Occidentaux* IV, Paris, 1879, pp. 115-263), and Professor Huygens, the latest reader of the eight surviving ma.n.u.scripts of the *Gesta Dei per Francos*, finds the edition pretentious, orthographically aberrant, and of no philological value whatever.

[13] Guibert perhaps has some support for this preference: In Praeloq.

2.30 212A Rather of Verona quotes Ambrose on interpreting the difficulties of scripture: *quod difficilius invenitur, dulcius tenetur*."

[14] 339, n. 3

[15] 1973 613.

[16]p. 255.

[17] *De Moribus et Actis primorum Normanniae Duc.u.m*, ed. Jules Lair, Caen, 1865.

[18] (eds.) J. Olrik and H. Raeder, *Saxonis Gest Danorum*, 1931, 1957, Hauniae, 2 vols. *The History of the Danes*, translated by Peter Fisher, ed. H.E. Davidson, Totowa, 1979, 1981, 2 vols.

[19] For the significance and influence of Martia.n.u.s, see W.H. Stahl, R. Johnson, and E.L. Burge, *Martia.n.u.s Capella and the Seven Liberal Arts*, NY, 1971; Danut Shanzer, *A philosophical and literary commentary on Martia.n.u.s Capella's De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurri, book one*, Berkeley, 1986.

[20] For a densely compacted discussion of this hypothesis, see Herbert Grundmann, *Geschichtsschreibung im Mittelalters*, Gottingen, 1965. For a more extensive, lavishly detailed discussion, see Bernard Guenee, *Histoire et culture historique dans l'occident medieval*, Paris, 1980. In English, the argument was popularized by R.G. Collingwood, *The Idea of History*, Oxford, 1946; p. 258 gives a useful formulation.

[21] Aimon's early eleventh-century rewriting of both Gregory of Tours sixth-century text and the eighth-century *Liber Historiae Francorum* is only roughly comparable, since he was much further removed in time from the authors whose work he was correcting. See Gregory of Tours, *Historiae Francorum*, edited by W. Arndt and Bruno Krusch, *Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum*, vol. I, Hanover, 1885; Aimon, *De Gestis Francorum*, pp. 20-143 of *Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de l France*, ed. M. Bouquet, vol. III, 1869, pp. 20-143; Bruno Krusch, *Fredegarii et Aliorum Chronica; Monumenta Germaniae Historica*: Scriptorum Rerum Merovingicarum, Hanover, 1888.

[22] Two editions are available: *Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Historiens Occidentaux* III, Paris, 1866, pp. 319-585; *Fulcheri Carnotensis Histori Hierosolymitana*, ed. Heinrich Hagenmayer. Heidelberg, 1913.

[23] A judgement contained within the less sardonic a.s.sessment, almost nine hundred years later, by Ernest Baker, who called Fulcher, "a kindly old pedant," in the *Encyclopaedia Britannica*, 11th edition, Cambridge, 1910.

[24] Guibert decision to insert verses of his own composition, in a variety of meters, some unusual, in his predominantly prose text, also seems to be an attempt to outdo Fulker, who had chosen to compose occasional verse for his predominantly prose text, although he limited himself to hexameters and elegaics.

[25] Quod ego Fulcherus Carnotensis, c.u.m ceteris iens peregrinis, postea, sicut oculis meis perspexi, diligenter et sollicite in memoriam posteris collegi. (RHC.HO III.327) The case for the *Gesta Francorum* as a text composed by an eye-witness is inferential only.

[26] Isidore of Seville, *Etymologies*, I, XLI, ed. W.M Lindsay, Oxford, 1911. See also Bernard Guenee on the topos of the eye-witness, in *Histoire et culture historique dans l'occident medieval*, Paris, 1980. For a paradigmatic example of the difficulties generated by trying to determine whether a medieval text of an historical nature is the product of an eyewitness, see Stubbs'

argument (Rolls Series 38.1) that the *Itinerarium Regis Ricardi*

is the product of an eyewitness of the Third Crusade, then Gaston Paris' argument that *L'Estoire de la guerre sainte*, Paris, 1897 is the eye-witness account that the author of the *Itinerarium*

was translating, and then Hans Eberhard Mayer, *Das Itinerarium peregrinorum*, Stuttgart, 1962, for the argument that neither is an eye-witness account; see also the discussion in M.R. Morgan, *The Chronicle of Ernoul and the Continuations of William of Tyre*, Oxford, 1973, pp. 61 ff..

[27] See E.R. Curtius, *European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages*, New York, 1953, pp. 83-85.

[28] Translation by Rosalind Hill, London, 1962, p. 44.

[29] Translated by H. Rushton Fairclough, *Horace*, London, 1966, p. 465.

[30] Guibert's behavior in this respect suggests that the anxiety of influence which Harold Bloom a.s.signed primarily to the English Romantic poets existed earlier and more extensively ( *Anxiety of Influence*, Oxford, 1973).

[31] III Reg xii.10; II Par x.10.

[32] Book VII, p. 239.

[33] See Appendix A.

[34] Jeremiah III.27,28.

[35] A term Paul Zumthor introduced in "Roman et Gothique," in *Studi in honore di Italo Siciliano*, Florence, 1966, vol. II, p.

1227.

[36] For evidence that Guibert was remarkably fastidious in his att.i.tude towards his literary production, or at least towards three of his theological compositions, see Monique-Cecile Garand, "Le Scriptorium de Guibert de Nogent," *Scriptorium* 31 (1977), pp.

3-29.

[37] See Robert Levine, "Satiric Vulgarity in Guibert de Nogent's *Gesta Dei per Francos," Rhetorica* 7 (1989), pp. 261-273.

[38] Although he calls the Pope a fine Latinist, instead of giving Urban's words at Clermont, Guibert rewrites them, *etsi non verbis, tamen intentionibus*, "not word for word, but according to what he meant." For an attempt, on the basis of the various surviving representations of Urban's performance at Clermont, to determine what the Pope actuually said, see D.C. Munro, "The Speech of Pope Urban II at Clermont," *American Historical Review* XI (1906), pp. 231-242.

For objections to Munro's technique, see Paul Rousset, *Les origines et les caracteres de la premiere croisade*, Geneva, 1945, p. 58.

[39] See W. Porges, "The Clergy, the Poor, and the Non-Combatants on the First Crusade," *Speculum* 21 (1946), pp. 1-20; Jean Flori, "Faut-il rehabiliter Pierre l'Ermite?" *Cahier de civilisation medievale* x.x.xVIII (1995), pp. 35-54.

[40] See Appendix A.

[41] Labande, I.xvii, pp. 135 ff..

[42] A task for which Heinrich Hagenmeyer's *Chronologie de la premiere croisade*, Hildesheim, 1898-1901, provides a sound basis.

[43] Whenever possible, the modern spellings are taken from the Gazetteer provided in *A History of the Crusades*, ed. by Kenneth M. Setton and M.W. Baldwin, Madison, 1969, vol. I, pp.

626-666.

[44] *paregorizantis*, "curative," a rare word, used by Augustine.

[45] Horace AP 105.

[46] One of the names of Mars.

[47] Literally, never goes beyond Mercurial moderation.

[48] An area in northeast Persia, but used as a general term for the Near East by the Western chroniclers of the First Crusade.

[49] Gnaeus Trogus Pompeius, a contemporary of Livy, wrote 44 books, of which only an epitome by Justin survives.

[50] I Kings xii.10; II Chronicles x.10.

[51] Translation by J.D. Duff, *Lucan*, Cambridge, 1969. "of one's own blood," is the more literal translation.

[52] Lucan I. 8,9,12.

[53] Albert of Aix uses the same comparison several times within one paragraph to describe the joys of the Crusaders about to attack Ascalon: they are *tanquam ad convivium pergentes laetati*, then the pagan prefect of Ramna, noticing that the Christians are singing and rejoicing, *tanquam ad epulas omnium deliciarum invitati essent*, remarks: Miror, et sufficienter mirari nequeo unde populus hic in tanta laet.i.tia et voce exultationis glorietur, quasi ad convivium iturus. (RHC IV.492)

[54] That is, children.

[55] Proverbs x.x.x.27.

[56] The first printed edition offers *genuinae*, where MS A offers *geminae*.