School Choice or Best Systems Part 4

It is doubtful that an "expert" can do a better job of choosing a school for a child than can a well-informed parent.5 In their book In their book Education by Choice: The Case for Family Control Education by Choice: The Case for Family Control, c.o.o.ns and Sugarman write that the current system of a.s.signing most students to public schools is based on the notion that "local government agents make better school a.s.signments for individual children they have never met than would the family, even were the family to be supported by professional counseling."6 They also point out that "the question is not whether the judgment of the isolated and una.s.sisted family is superior to the professional cadre of a school or a district. It is rather, when all available knowledge, personal and professional, about the particular school is a.s.sembled, to whom shall society commit the final choice." They also point out that "the question is not whether the judgment of the isolated and una.s.sisted family is superior to the professional cadre of a school or a district. It is rather, when all available knowledge, personal and professional, about the particular school is a.s.sembled, to whom shall society commit the final choice."7 When parents are allowed to choose, survey research summarized by Andrew Coulson8 shows that parents place a high value on academic achievement. "Topping the list of responses in all polls of independent-school parents is academic quality," he reports. For example, the U.S. Department of Education-sponsored National Household Survey in 1993 showed that parents who chose independent schools for their children most frequently named a "better academic environment" as the primary consideration in their choice. shows that parents place a high value on academic achievement. "Topping the list of responses in all polls of independent-school parents is academic quality," he reports. For example, the U.S. Department of Education-sponsored National Household Survey in 1993 showed that parents who chose independent schools for their children most frequently named a "better academic environment" as the primary consideration in their choice.9 Parents are also likely to choose wisely. In 2001 Caroline Hoxby reported comparisons of parents' ratings of their child's public school with the school's value-added achievement (defined as the difference between a student's 10th- and 8th-grade scores in reading and math). She found that only 15 percent of parents were "highly satisfied" with their schools if they were in the lowest quartile of gains, showing that parents were aware and upset that their children's schools were academically failing. Some 44 percent of parents with children in schools in the highest quartile reported being "highly satisfied."10 Parents may not always make the right choices. As Milton and Rose Friedman write: "No doubt, some parents lack interest in their children's schooling or the capacity and desire to choose wisely. However, they are in a small minority. In any event, our present system unfortunately does little to help their children."11 Parents' School Choice Preferences Survey research shows that large numbers of parents would prefer to choose their children's schools. One recent national survey showed that 57 percent of parents with children now attending public schools would send them to private schools if vouchers were available.12 Only about 1 in 10 parents can afford private schools because public funds go almost exclusively to traditional public schools. Only about 1 in 10 parents can afford private schools because public funds go almost exclusively to traditional public schools.

According to a Public Agenda survey,13 the majority of parents of public school students would choose private schools if tuition were not a concern. That survey found that 55 percent of all parents and 67 percent of inner-city parents would choose private schools. Even higher percentages of African-American families support school choice. According to survey research by the Harwood Group, some 80 percent would choose private schools if they could afford the tuition. the majority of parents of public school students would choose private schools if tuition were not a concern. That survey found that 55 percent of all parents and 67 percent of inner-city parents would choose private schools. Even higher percentages of African-American families support school choice. According to survey research by the Harwood Group, some 80 percent would choose private schools if they could afford the tuition. 14 14 These numbers may seem at odds with the findings of the professional educators' society, Phi Delta Kappa. In 2006 PDK reported apparent declines in public support for choice, with only 36 percent of the public describing themselves as "favorable" toward education vouchers, while 60 percent were opposed.15 As Terry Moe first pointed out, the reason for the discrepancy lies in PDK's change in the question wording. The latest version of PDK's survey asks, "Do you favor or oppose allowing students and parents to choose a private school to attend at public expense?" As Terry Moe concluded: As Terry Moe first pointed out, the reason for the discrepancy lies in PDK's change in the question wording. The latest version of PDK's survey asks, "Do you favor or oppose allowing students and parents to choose a private school to attend at public expense?" As Terry Moe concluded: PDK's "at public expense" item does not even come close to meeting these basic criteria [of maintaining the same question from year to year and in stating the purpose of vouchers]. The central purpose of a voucher program is to expand the choices available to all qualifying parents, especially those who now have kids in public schools. But the PDK item does absolutely nothing to convey this information. It says nothing about choice, nothing about public school parents' being eligible to partic.i.p.ate. Instead, it focuses entirely on private school parents and asks respondents whether the government ought to be subsidizing them. Vouchers are presented, in effect, as a special-interest program for an exclusive group. PDK's "at public expense" item does not even come close to meeting these basic criteria [of maintaining the same question from year to year and in stating the purpose of vouchers]. The central purpose of a voucher program is to expand the choices available to all qualifying parents, especially those who now have kids in public schools. But the PDK item does absolutely nothing to convey this information. It says nothing about choice, nothing about public school parents' being eligible to partic.i.p.ate. Instead, it focuses entirely on private school parents and asks respondents whether the government ought to be subsidizing them. Vouchers are presented, in effect, as a special-interest program for an exclusive group.16 Moe's data, taken from other national surveys with less-loaded questions, indicate 56 percent support for vouchers in 2000 and 62 percent in 2001. In fact, in 2001 a more neutrally worded PDK question read, "Would you vote for or against a system giving parents the option of using government-funded school vouchers to pay for tuition at the public, private, or religious schools of their choice? Sixty-two percent of respondents expressed support.

In 2004 and again in 2005, Harris Interactive conducted polls using the "loaded" PDK language and a more neutrally phrased question: "Do you favor or oppose allowing students and parents to choose any school, public or private, to attend using public funds?" In 2005, 60 percent of respondents were favorable and only 33 percent were opposed.17 Because of stronger inner-city and minority preferences for private schools, it seems likely that the demands for choice will continue to grow. The U.S. Department of Education's Condition of Education 2005 Condition of Education 2005 shows that students from nonwhite backgrounds grew from 22 percent to 42 percent from 1972 to 2003. The demographic projections indicate that minority students will eventually be the majority in U.S. schools. Thus, since minorities that prefer choice will become majorities, the vast majority of parents are likely to prefer a choice of which school their children attend. shows that students from nonwhite backgrounds grew from 22 percent to 42 percent from 1972 to 2003. The demographic projections indicate that minority students will eventually be the majority in U.S. schools. Thus, since minorities that prefer choice will become majorities, the vast majority of parents are likely to prefer a choice of which school their children attend.

In sum, the majority of the public favors publicly funded vouchers, and the percentages appear to be growing. Private schools, there seems little doubt, best meet the standard of consumer satisfaction. These findings are corroborated by the previously discussed over-subscription to public and private voucher programs and the need for choosing students by lottery at private and charter schools.

Public Dissatisfaction with Traditional Public Schools Surveys also reveal that the public is increasingly aware of the poor standing of American schools, the lack of achievement progress, and the threat to individual and national welfare of ineffective, inefficient K-12 education. For example, polling by Hart and Winston in 2005 found that only 9 percent of adults agree that schools set high expectations and significantly challenge most high school students.18 A 2005 survey by Peter D. Hart Research a.s.sociates found that only 24 percent of recent high school graduates said that they faced high expectations and were significantly challenged. A 2005 survey by Peter D. Hart Research a.s.sociates found that only 24 percent of recent high school graduates said that they faced high expectations and were significantly challenged.19 The 2006 PDK public opinion poll showed that 32 percent of respondents gave public schools a C, 9 percent a D, and 5 percent an F. This means that nearly half (46 percent) of the respondents thought the schools were average or worse. PDK nevertheless celebrated the results as showing: "There has been no decline in public support for public schools. Approval ratings remain high and remarkably stable."20 It's difficult to imagine a private firm being content with such customer views. It's difficult to imagine a private firm being content with such customer views.

The 2002-03 National Household Education Survey, conducted by the National Center for Education Statistics, found that only 57 percent of parents with children attending traditional public schools were "very satisfied."21 In contrast, 68 percent with children attending public schools of choice, 75 percent with children attending secular private schools, and 78 percent with children attending religious private schools were "very satisfied." In contrast, 68 percent with children attending public schools of choice, 75 percent with children attending secular private schools, and 78 percent with children attending religious private schools were "very satisfied."

Terry Moe summarized the results of public opinion surveys22 and concluded that the public believes the public school system and concluded that the public believes the public school system * is outperformed by schools in the private sector; * is outperformed by schools in the private sector; * is inequitable, particularly on cla.s.s grounds; * is inequitable, particularly on cla.s.s grounds; * adopts undesirable means of promoting diversity; * adopts undesirable means of promoting diversity; * is too intolerant of religion; * is too intolerant of religion; * gives parents too little influence; * gives parents too little influence; * has schools that are too large; and * has schools that are too large; and * should make better use of market-like mechanisms. * should make better use of market-like mechanisms.

Sizable numbers of "customers" of public schools are clearly unhappy with the current public schools. Unfortunately, most parents have little choice but to allow others to determine what schools their children attend, even when it is well-known that the local public schools are failing academically.

Satisfaction with Charter Schools The public is much more pleased with charter schools than it is with traditional public schools, although many do not understand them. A 2006 survey by the Glover Park Group23 found that only 57 percent knew the meaning of charter schools. However, after hearing them defined ("independent public schools that are free to be more innovative and are held accountable for improved student achievement"), 74 percent favored expanding them, and 62 percent favored lifting state legislative caps that curtail their growth. Common elements of charter schools were even more strongly favored by voters: found that only 57 percent knew the meaning of charter schools. However, after hearing them defined ("independent public schools that are free to be more innovative and are held accountable for improved student achievement"), 74 percent favored expanding them, and 62 percent favored lifting state legislative caps that curtail their growth. Common elements of charter schools were even more strongly favored by voters: * 85 percent favored giving parents more options for where to send their child to school; * 85 percent favored giving parents more options for where to send their child to school; * 83 percent favored giving schools more flexibility to design curriculum; and * 83 percent favored giving schools more flexibility to design curriculum; and * 90 percent favored holding students, teachers, and parents accountable for improving student achievement. * 90 percent favored holding students, teachers, and parents accountable for improving student achievement.

Of parents with school-aged children, 55 percent said they would be interested in enrolling their child in a charter school.

Homeschooling as an Indicator of Opinion In 2003 parents and others educated at home some 1.1 million youngsters who would otherwise be age-eligible for K-12 schools.24 Comparable to the size of the charter school sector, homeschooling had grown to 2.2 from 1.7 percent of the K-12 age-eligible population in 1999. Comparable to the size of the charter school sector, homeschooling had grown to 2.2 from 1.7 percent of the K-12 age-eligible population in 1999.

Many homeschoolers belong to the religious right, but others are on the countercultural left or are simply unhappy with the poor standards, the violence, and dominant peer culture of traditional schools. Various surveys of homeschooled students suggest that they outscore from 75 to more than 90 percent of traditional public school students and that they suffer no more college or adult psychological adjustment problems than do traditional school students.25 For five years I served as a judge for an independent charitable organization that awarded strictly merit-based scholars.h.i.+ps to high school students, mostly applying to Ivy League and other elite universities, who had perfect or near perfect scores on the Scholastic Apt.i.tude Test for college admission, had pa.s.sed advanced college level courses while in high school, and had shown other evidence of advanced studies such as winning state and national academic compet.i.tions. At a celebration dinner for Midwestern students, I sat with seven recipients. At the table were two homeschooled students, one of whom was a young woman who was representing the United States in the International Mathematics Olympiad, which pits against each other the very best secondary school mathematicians in each of several dozen countries. This anecdote is hardly definitive, but it helped me to shed my doubts about homeschooled people.

Available data do not allow us to draw a causal relations.h.i.+p between homeschooling and advanced academic achievement, but the growth of homeschooling certainly demonstrates a high level of discontent with traditional public education. Homeschoolers are willing to give up a "free" public service that often costs $7,000, $15,000, or even more per year to deliver. Homeschooling often requires one adult to stay home to teach one or more children, a sacrifice that should be measured in lost earned income as well as reduced career potential.

Homeschooling can be expected to continue to increase in popularity thanks to the use of innovative technology by charter schools and homeschoolers. Luis Huerta, Maria-Fernanda Gonzalez, and Chad d'Entremont report that an estimated 60 Internet-based charter schools are online in 15 states and currently enroll 16,000 students, which is about 10 percent of national charter enrollment. An additional 52,000 students are enrolled in homeschool charters allowed in California and Alaska.26 If they lack expertise in advanced or specialized subjects such as calculus or Greek, charter managers and homeschoolers can turn to the 27 online Internet courses provided by the College Board, which has long offered advanced placement examinations to high schoolers for college credit. The extraordinary growth of broadband Internet services, technology-based education in universities and firms, and discontent with traditional schools is promoting K-12 innovations, especially in choice schools and among homeschoolers.27 Public Educators' Opinions Opinion surveys show a large gap between the views of educators and those of their customers, parents and students. Educators, for example, tend to oppose individual accountability, educational standards, and testing. On the other hand, a Public Agenda national survey of high school students showed that three-fourths believe that stiffer examinations and graduation requirements would make students pay more attention to their studies.28 In another survey, three-fourths of high school students said that schools should promote only students who master the material. Almost two-thirds reported that they could do much better in school if they tried. Nearly 80 percent said students would learn more if schools made sure they were on time and did their homework. More than 70 percent said schools should require after-school cla.s.ses for those earning Ds and Fs.29 Leaders of traditional public schools differ sharply from their customers. A national Public Trust survey showed that 76 percent of superintendents and 59 percent of princ.i.p.als report that "students graduating from middle school have learned the reading, writing, and math skills they will need to succeed in high school," but only 33 percent of high school teachers agree. Similar percentages of district and school leaders report that "a high school diploma means a student has learned the basic academic skills of reading, writing, and math." Yet only 54 percent of high school teachers agree.30

Table 6-1 PERCEIVED DEGREE OF ACADEMIC CHALLENGE IN SCHOOLS PERCEIVED DEGREE OF ACADEMIC CHALLENGE IN SCHOOLS SOURCE: Harris Interactive, "The MetLife Survey of the American Teacher 2001: Key Elements of Quality Schools," http://www.metlife.com/WPSa.s.sets/26575530001018400549V1F2001ats.pdf.

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Table 6-1 reveals how elementary and secondary school educators and students differ in their perceptions of the rigor of their schools' academic programs. reveals how elementary and secondary school educators and students differ in their perceptions of the rigor of their schools' academic programs.31 Former dean of the Harvard Graduate School of Education Theodore Sizer portrays the charade of challenging standards in Horace's Compromise, Horace's Compromise, which describes the common pattern of a teacher who gains orderly and easygoing relations with his students by telling them the absurdly easy questions he will ask on a test. He gains the approval and admiration of his princ.i.p.al even though his and his students' efforts are at a pathetic minimum. which describes the common pattern of a teacher who gains orderly and easygoing relations with his students by telling them the absurdly easy questions he will ask on a test. He gains the approval and admiration of his princ.i.p.al even though his and his students' efforts are at a pathetic minimum.32 The preference for achieving easygoing relations and high student self-esteem through low standards is doc.u.mented in Tom Loveless's 2006 Brookings Inst.i.tution Report.33 Even though they think their schools are unchallenging and even though they rank poorly on international mathematics achievement surveys, far greater percentages of American students expressed higher confidence in their mathematics skills than did their peers in Korea and j.a.pan who usually top the achievement surveys. Even though they think their schools are unchallenging and even though they rank poorly on international mathematics achievement surveys, far greater percentages of American students expressed higher confidence in their mathematics skills than did their peers in Korea and j.a.pan who usually top the achievement surveys.

The apparent slackness of many practicing educators may derive from views prevalent in the schools of education they attended. A 1997 Public Agenda survey of education professors34 showed that 64 percent thought schools should avoid compet.i.tion. More favored giving grades for team efforts than favored grading individual accomplishments. Only 12 percent thought it essential for teachers to expect students to be neat, on time, and polite, compared to 88 percent of the public. Only about a fifth of the professors agreed with the public that they should insist on correct spelling, grammar, and punctuation from their students. Only 37 percent thought it essential for teachers to learn how to maintain an orderly cla.s.sroom. showed that 64 percent thought schools should avoid compet.i.tion. More favored giving grades for team efforts than favored grading individual accomplishments. Only 12 percent thought it essential for teachers to expect students to be neat, on time, and polite, compared to 88 percent of the public. Only about a fifth of the professors agreed with the public that they should insist on correct spelling, grammar, and punctuation from their students. Only 37 percent thought it essential for teachers to learn how to maintain an orderly cla.s.sroom.

The difference in views between educators and their customers helps explain why the 2001 federal No Child Left Behind Act, strongly supported by both Democrats and Republicans, has nevertheless faced ma.s.sive resistance from educators and is at risk of failure or outright repeal. One of NCLB's objects was to pressure repeatedly failing public schools to reform or make choice available to families.

The NCLB sets out a series of remedies that must be implemented when schools' performance is deemed unsatisfactory. At various stages, districts must notify parents that their children's school is failing; provide money and opportunities for parents to have compet.i.tive private tutoring; and, in the end, "restructure" the school by closing it, replacing its staff, or commissioning private groups to manage it. Three years after the pa.s.sage of NCLB, more than 1 in 10 public schools already faced sanctions for failing to make adequate yearly progress (AYP) in achievement for at least two continuous years, and some risked immediate sanctions since failing to make AYP even once.35 As William Howell pointed out,36 however, public school districts severely limit choice. They block parents of students in failing schools from choosing private tutoring or sending their children to successful public or private schools. Educators lack any incentive to let parents know their rights. For example, few Ma.s.sachusetts parents eligible to transfer their children to successful schools were actually informed that their children's current schools were failing. however, public school districts severely limit choice. They block parents of students in failing schools from choosing private tutoring or sending their children to successful public or private schools. Educators lack any incentive to let parents know their rights. For example, few Ma.s.sachusetts parents eligible to transfer their children to successful schools were actually informed that their children's current schools were failing.

According to Paul Peterson: "Although 69 percent of parents attending schools in ten urban districts in Ma.s.sachusetts say they have heard of NCLB, and 52 percent said they know about its choice provisions, only 24 percent said they had obtained their information from the school district.37 The news media, not the school district as required by law, were the most important source of information." The news media, not the school district as required by law, were the most important source of information."38 As other surveys discussed above have shown, many of these parents would have been likely to enroll their children in private schools, especially had they been clearly informed of the failure of their children's present school. As other surveys discussed above have shown, many of these parents would have been likely to enroll their children in private schools, especially had they been clearly informed of the failure of their children's present school.

Conclusion Parental satisfaction is an important measure of the success of schools. Parents have the right and duty to guide and oversee their children's education, have the strongest incentives to do it well, and have shown the ability to choose wisely. Largely aligned with parents' views, students say they prefer greater academic challenges and accountability from their schools. The public increasingly wants parents to be able to choose the schools their children attend, whether public or private. And when allowed to choose charter, voucher, or independent or sectarian private schools, parents are more satisfied. Also indicative of discontent with schools is the estimated one million U.S. children being homeschooled.

On these points, public educators' views differ generally and sharply from those of their parent, student, and citizen clients. They generally maintain that their curriculum offerings are sufficiently rigorous, and they adamantly oppose school choice. Their longstanding views appear to explain the continuation of poor results even with substantially rising expenditures. Such prevailing views may continue to prevent effective, efficient reforms from improving results in the public sector.

7. Major Findings and Conclusions

This chapter highlights the most important findings discussed in the foregoing chapters and offers broad conclusions based on the evidence as a whole.

Major Findings Chapter 1 reviewed evidence on U.S. academic achievement and concluded that, despite having among the highest (and still rising) per student costs in the industrialized world, U.S. schools are among the poorest performers. At the high school level, the United States has among the worst academic achievement test scores of member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. The productivity (academic achievement per dollar spent) of public schools in the United States fell an estimated 55 to 73 percent between the 1970-71 and 1998-99 school years.

Since youngsters' future well-being and the nation's prosperity depend on educational effectiveness, the public, legislators, and parents are interested in the possibility that school choice may increase educational performance. To provide them with some guidance on that question, this book reviews a wide array of research on the effects of choice schools on their students and on students in neighboring traditional public schools.

Chapter 2 surveyed the research literature on the academic effects of charter schools. Because there are more than 4,000 charter schools in the United States enrolling more than one million students, they offer a sufficiently large database to conduct valid empirical research. Many charter schools are heavily regulated, subject to various obstacles, and less well funded than nearby traditional public schools. These handicaps prevent a fair test of market forces in education.

Despite these handicaps, charter schools perform well. The largest single-point-in-time study of charter schools involved nearly every charter school in the nation and its nearest neighboring traditional public school. The study showed that charter schools outperformed the comparison schools; that poor and Hispanic students achieved particularly well; and that outcomes improved as charter schools were given more autonomy, funding, and time to work out the initial startup kinks in their operations. Of 26 studies of achievement gains, 22 showed that charter schools yielded either a better or an equal effect. Three over-time studies and one random-a.s.signment study found significant achievement gains by charter school students relative to traditional public school students. Five of seven studies examining the performance of individual charter school students over time showed positive achievement effects.

Charter schools are popular with parents who send their children to them as well as with the general public. Charter schools, on average, have succeeded despite the burdens of overregulation and while spending perhaps a fifth less than traditional public schools.

Chapter 3 reviewed research on public and private school voucher programs in the United States and elsewhere. Vouchers could be expected to improve student achievement and parental satisfaction because compet.i.tion often brings out the best in people and organizations; because compet.i.tors provide benchmarks against which to measure all schools' performance; and because vouchers allow and encourage parents to more actively partic.i.p.ate in their children's schooling, which in turn is positively related to student learning.

Eight random-a.s.signment studies and three non-random-a.s.signment studies of education vouchers all found positive effects on the academic achievement of some groups attending voucher schools but sometimes showed little or no effect on white students. No studies found a negative effect on achievement. The concentration of benefits on African-American students may be attributable to the larger numbers of black students in voucher programs, which makes the statistical detection of effects more likely.

The largest voucher program in the United States, Florida's McKay Scholars.h.i.+p Program, is for special needs children with a variety of educational disabilities including blindness and mental r.e.t.a.r.dation. Though no a.n.a.lyses have been made of its possible achievement effects, it is much more highly regarded by parents than are traditional, nonchosen public schools.

Studies of voucher programs in Was.h.i.+ngton, DC, Cleveland, and Milwaukee show that they have reduced racial segregation by allowing students in segregated neighborhoods to cross public school boundaries to attend less-segregated schools of their choice. Surveys regularly show high levels of satisfaction among parents who partic.i.p.ate in public and private voucher programs.

Public voucher programs in the United States exist only in a few large cities and generally are small in scope. Consequently, their success or failure does not const.i.tute a good test of school vouchers. Programs in other countries are much larger and provide a better test of vouchers. The large majority of studies of these programs have found positive effects on student academic achievement.

Chapter 4 surveyed research on the effects of private schools. Since millions of parents voluntarily choose to enroll their children in them, private schools provide larger samples than charter and voucher schools. Offsetting this advantage, however, is the fact that random-a.s.signment studies are nearly impossible, and controlling for socioeconomic status and other possible confounders is difficult and often controversial. In addition, grouping private schools, including independent and various kinds of parochial schools, together may hide important differences among them, and existing samples of private school subgroups may be too small to reveal statistically significant differences.

Most point-in-time studies show superior achievement of private schools, and all the well-designed studies in this field find positive effects after controlling for student socioeconomic status and other factors. Studies of achievement gains over time (value-added a.n.a.lyses) for students attending private schools tend to find a positive private school effect.

Catholic schools are the largest category of U.S. private schools, and their numbers allow the largest and longest-running studies. The most sophisticated achievement study showed superior Catholic school achievement, but a review of smaller studies showed mixed effects, with positive effects concentrated among African-American students. All studies, however, show that Catholic school graduation rates (with and without statistical regression controls) are higher than those of public schools.

Private schools appear to perform better, on average, than public schools at substantially less cost, even when the extra administrative and other costs borne by public schools are taken into account. Private schools are also more likely than public schools to have racial compositions resembling the population in their areas, and private school students are more likely to report greater levels of cross-racial friends.h.i.+p and fewer instances of racial fighting than public school students. Private schools also do better than public schools at fostering tolerance, civic partic.i.p.ation, and social integration.

Chapter 5 examined research on the possible compet.i.tive effects on achievement in geopolitical regions such as states and metropolitan areas with differing degrees of school choice and local control of schools. Two literature reviews of some 140 studies showed that most studies show positive effects of increases in school choice opportunities on overall student achievement. The most rigorous 50-state study found strong positive effects. The largest international study of school choice effects, as indexed by the percentage of private schools in each of 39 countries, also showed strong positive effects on overall academic achievement. Constructive compet.i.tion effects are also fostered among public schools in small and decentralized districts that rely more on local than on state funding and control.

Chapter 6 explained why public and parental satisfaction with schools is an important school outcome. Survey data show the general public's and parents' dissatisfaction with public schools and their considerable and growing support for school choice. Survey data also show that public educators have much lower standards and expectations than those of the public, parents, and students, which is a major reason why these consumers increasingly favor choice. These differences help explain why public school teachers' unions and administrators oppose proposals to introduce parental choice.

The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that parents may send their children to private, including parochial, schools and, more recently, that publicly funded vouchers for independent and parochial schools are const.i.tutional. Since public authorities have severely restricted parents' right to choose public and private schools, satisfaction surveys loom large in determining the demand for charter schools and vouchers. The public and parents strongly support allowing parents to choose the schools their children attend. Parents whose children attend charter, voucher, and private schools tend to be more satisfied with those schools than parents whose children attend traditional public schools.

Conclusions Based on these and other findings discussed in the foregoing chapters, Table 7-1 Table 7-1 briefly summarizes the overall findings. There are 20 possible positive effects of four forms of choice on five educational outcomes. As suggested in the table, the possible effect findings can be cla.s.sified as being supported by suggestive or conclusive evidence (none of the evidence for the possible findings was clearly inadequate). briefly summarizes the overall findings. There are 20 possible positive effects of four forms of choice on five educational outcomes. As suggested in the table, the possible effect findings can be cla.s.sified as being supported by suggestive or conclusive evidence (none of the evidence for the possible findings was clearly inadequate).

The evidence supports every single one of the 20 possible choice effects, and the evidence is conclusive rather than suggestive for 14. It is statistically improbable that these overall results arose by chance. The results are about as consistent as can be found in the social sciences, and it thus seems clear that school choice works. a.s.suredly, choice schools do not compare favorably with traditional public schools in every single circ.u.mstance since, as was explained in the first chapter, the effects are based on average differences between choice and nonchoice schools. Moreover, it is impossible in science to prove the correctness of any hypothesis or theory. All conclusions are provisional until strong, contradictory evidence appears.

In addition to these caveats, several a.s.sumptions underlying Table 7-1 Table 7-1 should be made explicit: should be made explicit: * Charter schools: The fast growth in the number of charter schools and the frequency with which they are oversubscribed are taken as one set of indications of parental satisfaction. The facts that charters are concentrated in cities often segregated by social cla.s.s and ethnicity and that charter students cross traditional public school boundary lines are included as evidence of social integration. * Charter schools: The fast growth in the number of charter schools and the frequency with which they are oversubscribed are taken as one set of indications of parental satisfaction. The facts that charters are concentrated in cities often segregated by social cla.s.s and ethnicity and that charter students cross traditional public school boundary lines are included as evidence of social integration. * Vouchers: The conclusions about voucher effects on cost efficiency and parental satisfaction are based partly on extensive private school research. By definition, voucher-bearing students go to private schools, which fare well on these two criteria. In addition, of course, voucher programs are usually heavily oversubscribed; there are far more applicants than places for them. * Vouchers: The conclusions about voucher effects on cost efficiency and parental satisfaction are based partly on extensive private school research. By definition, voucher-bearing students go to private schools, which fare well on these two criteria. In addition, of course, voucher programs are usually heavily oversubscribed; there are far more applicants than places for them. * Though the effects of vouchers and charter schools are positive, on average, they may be underestimated for several reasons. The studies reviewed rarely take into account the fact that many if not most of the voucher-bearing students are newly transferred to private schools, which, on average, are further from their homes, and the students need to adapt to new teachers, cla.s.smates, curricula, standards, and methods of teaching. Since many are new organizations, moreover, charter schools also have new students, and the schools themselves as organizations may take several years to hit their stride. In addition, charter schools and private schools, which voucher students attend, operate on fractions of the budgets of traditional public schools. * Though the effects of vouchers and charter schools are positive, on average, they may be underestimated for several reasons. The studies reviewed rarely take into account the fact that many if not most of the voucher-bearing students are newly transferred to private schools, which, on average, are further from their homes, and the students need to adapt to new teachers, cla.s.smates, curricula, standards, and methods of teaching. Since many are new organizations, moreover, charter schools also have new students, and the schools themselves as organizations may take several years to hit their stride. In addition, charter schools and private schools, which voucher students attend, operate on fractions of the budgets of traditional public schools.

Table 7-1 SUFFICIENCY OF THE EVIDENCE FOR POSITIVE SCHOOL CHOICE EFFECTS[image] * The conclusions in the table complement and reinforce one another. Other things being equal, traditional public schools, on average, appear to perform less effectively and efficiently than either charter or private schools. This conclusion accords well with research on the performance of public and private organizations and on privatization of public services. * The conclusions in the table complement and reinforce one another. Other things being equal, traditional public schools, on average, appear to perform less effectively and efficiently than either charter or private schools. This conclusion accords well with research on the performance of public and private organizations and on privatization of public services.

In short, given these overall findings and the consistency of the evidence, it may be confidently concluded that school choice generally works better than public school monopolies. Similarly, in the manufacturing and service industries that have been a.n.a.lyzed, nearly all reviews of studies show that markets provide higher quality, more customer choice, greater customer satisfaction, and lower costs than government provisioning. Studies of newly privatized government services also generally show such effects. The intensity of compet.i.tion within geopolitical areas, moreover, allows, even requires, greater effectiveness and cost-efficiency on the part of surviving providers, public and private. The findings in this book are consistent with these widely doc.u.mented conclusions, which have led to and are leading to increasing privatization in many countries including the United States.

Though sometimes greeted with initial pubic confusion and skepticism, charter schools and vouchers are becoming increasingly well supported as citizens gain knowledge of how they work, the results they produce, and their popularity with the families who use them. American parents, moreover, have rights to make the important decisions regarding their children's upbringing such as their names, where they live, and the people who treat them when they're ill.

In 1925 the U.S. Supreme Court upheld their right to choose a public or private school for their children, and in 2002 it upheld their right to do so with the help of a school choice program. As the research reviewed in this book shows, it would be good public policy to give all families ready access to that choice. It is ironic that Americans who regard themselves as free-perhaps as having the freest country in the world-have so little choice when it comes to their children's education. It is tragic that policy leaders, including governors, legislators, and school boards, have done so little to remedy that situation.

Notes.

Chapter 1.

1 Herbert J. Walberg, "Achievement in American Schools," in Herbert J. Walberg, "Achievement in American Schools," in A Primer on American Schools: An a.s.sessment by the Koret Task Force on K-12 Education, A Primer on American Schools: An a.s.sessment by the Koret Task Force on K-12 Education, ed. Terry M. Moe (Stanford, CA: Stanford University, Hoover Inst.i.tution Press, 2001), pp. 43-68. On costs, see Eric A. Ha.n.u.shek, "Spending on Schools," in ed. Terry M. Moe (Stanford, CA: Stanford University, Hoover Inst.i.tution Press, 2001), pp. 43-68. On costs, see Eric A. Ha.n.u.shek, "Spending on Schools," in A Primer on American Schools, A Primer on American Schools, pp. 69-88. pp. 69-88.

2 Lynn Olson, "As AYP Bar Rises, More Schools Fail," Lynn Olson, "As AYP Bar Rises, More Schools Fail," Education Week Education Week, September 20, 2006, pp. 1, 20.

3 For a news account, see Diana Jean Schemo, "Grades Rise, but Reading Skills Do Not," For a news account, see Diana Jean Schemo, "Grades Rise, but Reading Skills Do Not," New York Times, New York Times, February 23, 2007, p. 3, February 23, 2007, p. 3, http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/22/education/22cnd-test.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin. For the full reports, see the National a.s.sessment of Educational Progress, Results of the 2005 School Transcript Study Results of the 2005 School Transcript Study and and Results of 2005 Grade 12 Mathematics and Reading a.s.sessment, Results of 2005 Grade 12 Mathematics and Reading a.s.sessment, http://nces.ed.gov/nationsreportcard/.

4 National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education, "The Need for State Leaders.h.i.+p," National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education, "The Need for State Leaders.h.i.+p," Cross Talk Cross Talk, Summer 2005.

5 American College Test, American College Test, Reading between the Lines: What the ACT Reveals about College Readiness in Reading Reading between the Lines: What the ACT Reveals about College Readiness in Reading (Iowa City, IA: ACT, 2006). (Iowa City, IA: ACT, 2006).

6 Education Trust, Education Trust, College Results Online College Results Online, 2006, http://www2.edtrust.org/EdTrust/Press+Room/college+results.htm.

7 Christopher Clausen, "The New Ivory Tower," Christopher Clausen, "The New Ivory Tower," Wilson Quarterly, Wilson Quarterly, Autumn 2006, p. 32. Autumn 2006, p. 32.

8 Public Agenda, "Are Parents and Students Ready for More Math and Science?" 2006, Public Agenda, "Are Parents and Students Ready for More Math and Science?" 2006, http://www.publicagenda.org/press/press_release_detail.cfm?list=67.

9 See Walberg; and Ha.n.u.shek. See Walberg; and Ha.n.u.shek.

10 Caroline M. Hoxby, "School Choice and School Productivity, or Could School Choice Be a Tide That Lifts All Boats?" in Caroline M. Hoxby, "School Choice and School Productivity, or Could School Choice Be a Tide That Lifts All Boats?" in Economics of School Choice, Economics of School Choice, ed. Caroline Hoxby (Chicago: University of Chicago Press for the National Bureau of Economic Research, 2001). ed. Caroline Hoxby (Chicago: University of Chicago Press for the National Bureau of Economic Research, 2001).

11 See Walberg. See Walberg.

12 Eric A. Ha.n.u.shek and Dennis D. Kimko, "Schooling, Labor-Force Quality, and the Growth of Nations," Eric A. Ha.n.u.shek and Dennis D. Kimko, "Schooling, Labor-Force Quality, and the Growth of Nations," American Economic Review American Economic Review 90 (December 2000): 1184-1208. 90 (December 2000): 1184-1208.

13 Jill Casner-Lotto and Linda Barrington, Jill Casner-Lotto and Linda Barrington, Are They Really Ready to Work? Employers' Perspectives on the Basic Knowledge and Applied Skills of New Entrants to the 21st Century Workforce Are They Really Ready to Work? Employers' Perspectives on the Basic Knowledge and Applied Skills of New Entrants to the 21st Century Workforce, Doc.u.ment 20154 (New York: Conference Board, 2006). See also http://www.heartland.org/Article.cfm?artId=20154.

14 "What Democrats May Do," "What Democrats May Do," Wall Street Journal, Wall Street Journal, November 9, 2007, p. A2. November 9, 2007, p. A2.

15 "The Battle for Brainpower: Survey of Talent," "The Battle for Brainpower: Survey of Talent," The Economist, The Economist, October 7, 2006, pp. 1-24. October 7, 2006, pp. 1-24.

16 Ibid., p. 11. Ibid., p. 11.

17 David Wessel, "Why It Takes a Doctorate to Beat Inflation," David Wessel, "Why It Takes a Doctorate to Beat Inflation," Wall Street Journal, Wall Street Journal, October 19, 2006, p. A2. October 19, 2006, p. A2.

18 Herbert J. Walberg and s.h.i.+o-Ling Tsai, "Matthew Effects in Education," Herbert J. Walberg and s.h.i.+o-Ling Tsai, "Matthew Effects in Education," American Educational Research Journal American Educational Research Journal 20 (1984): 359-74. 20 (1984): 359-74.

19 Quoted in "Nations Anxious to See if They Can Make the Grade," Quoted in "Nations Anxious to See if They Can Make the Grade," Financial Times Financial Times, October 18, 2006, p. 3.

20 "Asia and the World's Economy," "Asia and the World's Economy," The Economist The Economist, October 19, 2006.

21 Eric A. Ha.n.u.shek. Eliott A. Jamison, and Dean T. Jamison, "The Effects of Educational Quality on Mortality Decline and Achievement Growth," Eric A. Ha.n.u.shek. Eliott A. Jamison, and Dean T. Jamison, "The Effects of Educational Quality on Mortality Decline and Achievement Growth," Economics of Education Review Economics of Education Review, forthcoming.

22 David M. Cutler and Adriana Lleras-Muney, "Education and Health: Evaluating Theories and Evidence," unpublished paper, Harvard University, June 2006. David M. Cutler and Adriana Lleras-Muney, "Education and Health: Evaluating Theories and Evidence," unpublished paper, Harvard University, June 2006.

23 "The Battle for Brainpower," p. 11. "The Battle for Brainpower," p. 11.

24 Ibid., p. 12. Ibid., p. 12.

25 Ibid., p. 14. Ibid., p. 14.

26 Ibid., p. 9. Ibid., p. 9.

27 U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, "Charting the U.S. Labor Market in 2005," Chart 3-11, U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, "Charting the U.S. Labor Market in 2005," Chart 3-11, http://www.bls.gov/cps/labor2005/home.htm.

28 Quoted in ibid., pp. 23-24. Quoted in ibid., pp. 23-24.

29 Andrew J. Coulson, Andrew J. Coulson, Market Education: The Unknown History Market Education: The Unknown History (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1999). (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1999).

30 Charles L. Glenn, Charles L. Glenn, Educational Freedom in Eastern Europe Educational Freedom in Eastern Europe, 2d ed. (Was.h.i.+ngton: Cato Inst.i.tute, 1995); idem, Choice of Schools in Six Nations Choice of Schools in Six Nations (Was.h.i.+ngton: U.S. Department of Education, 1988); and David Salisbury and James Tooley, eds., (Was.h.i.+ngton: U.S. Department of Education, 1988); and David Salisbury and James Tooley, eds., What America Can Learn from School Choice in Other Countries What America Can Learn from School Choice in Other Countries (Was.h.i.+ngton: Cato Inst.i.tute, 2005). (Was.h.i.+ngton: Cato Inst.i.tute, 2005).

31 Andrew J. Coulson, "The Cato Education Market Index," Cato Inst.i.tute Policy a.n.a.lysis no. 585, December 14, 2006. Andrew J. Coulson, "The Cato Education Market Index," Cato Inst.i.tute Policy a.n.a.lysis no. 585, December 14, 2006.

32 Joseph L. Bast and Herbert J. Walberg, Joseph L. Bast and Herbert J. Walberg, Ten Principles of School Choice Ten Principles of School Choice (Chicago: Heartland Inst.i.tute, 2006). (Chicago: Heartland Inst.i.tute, 2006).

33 Anna Fifield, "Korea's Unlikely Internet Star," Anna Fifield, "Korea's Unlikely Internet Star," Financial Times Financial Times, February 15, 2007, p. 9.

34 For an excellent summary of this nascent industry, see Steven F. Wilson, For an excellent summary of this nascent industry, see Steven F. Wilson, Learning on the Job: When Business Takes on Public Schools Learning on the Job: When Business Takes on Public Schools (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006). (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006).

Chapter 2.

1 Gregg Vanourek, Gregg Vanourek, State of the Charter School Movement 2005: Trends, Issues, and Indicators State of the Charter School Movement 2005: Trends, Issues, and Indicators (Was.h.i.+ngton: Charter School Leaders.h.i.+p Council, 2005), p. 8, (Was.h.i.+ngton: Charter School Leaders.h.i.+p Council, 2005), p. 8, http://www.charterschoolleaders.h.i.+pcouncil.org/pdf/sotm2005.pdf.