Battle of Fort George Part 1

Battle of Fort George.

by Ernest Cruikshank.

PREFACE.

The reproach has frequently been cast upon us that Canada has no history; it might be said of us with far more justice that we do not know our own history. The various historical societies are, by their efforts, trying to wipe away this reproach, and we feel proud of following in the wake of the Lundy's Lane Historical Society in publis.h.i.+ng a paper written by Capt. Cruikshank, who has well earned the t.i.tle of the historian of the Niagara peninsula.

Of the towns of Ontario not one we are sure possesses a history so eventful, so ancient, so interesting as Niagara, having been at different times a legislative, an educational, a military and a commercial centre, at one time occupied by the enemy and again a heap of smoking ruins, now a quiet summer resort with many points of historical interest, with wide streets shaded by old elms and having unrivalled lake and river scenery. The members of the youngest of these Historical Societies feel that they may congratulate themselves on being able to place in the hands of the public the story which so far has not yet been told of the Taking of Fort George, told too in a style so clear, so dispa.s.sionate, and shewing such deep research, a story of troublesome times, which so told can not but be helpful to old and young of every nationality.

Asking for our first venture a kind reception we send it out to the public, hoping that it may do its part in proving that we have a not ign.o.ble history which should inspire us to yet n.o.bler deeds.

BATTLE OF FORT GEORGE.

27TH MAY, 1813.

For about a quarter of a century Niagara was the princ.i.p.al town and commercial capital of Western Canada, and for a brief period was actually the seat of government for the Upper Province. The removal of the provincial officers to York in 1796 struck the first blow at its supremacy, but its material prosperity continued until the beginning of the war with the United States when its exposed situation subjected it to a series of calamities which culminated in its total destruction on the 10th of December, 1813.

During that time many travellers of more or less note visited the place at short intervals on their way to or from the Falls, and a considerable number of them have recorded their observations. Patrick Campbell in 1791, D'Arcy Bolton in 1794, the Duke de Rochefoucauld Liancourt in 1795, Isaac Weld and J. C. Ogden in 1796, John Maude in 1800, George Heriot in 1806, Christian Schultz in 1807, John Melish in 1810 and Michael Smith in 1812 have described the town and adjacent country at considerable length from various points of view. Other accounts are to be found in the _National Intelligencer_ newspaper published at Was.h.i.+ngton, D. C., in 1812, and in Smith's Gazetteer of Upper Canada for 1813. From these numerous sources it would seem an easy task to form a fairly correct estimate of the appearance of the town, its commercial importance and the character of the inhabitants.

[Ill.u.s.tration: THE TAKING OF FORT GEORGE.]

It is described as being nearly a mile square, spa.r.s.ely built, with many pasture fields, gardens, orchards and open s.p.a.ces interspersed among the houses. Smith, an American resident of the province now was expelled in 1812 for having declined to take oath of allegiance, states that there were "several squares of ground in the village adorned with almost every kind of precious fruit." According to the same authority it contained two churches--one of them built of stone, a court house and jail, an Indian council house, an academy in which Latin and Greek were taught by the Rev. John Burns a Presbyterian minister, a printing house, six taverns, twenty stores and about a hundred dwelling houses, many of them described as "handsome buildings of brick or stone, the rest being of wood, neatly painted." From the lake the town is said to have made an "imposing appearance" as most of the buildings fronted the water. Smith concludes his account with the remark that it was "a beautiful and prospective place, inhabited by civil and industrious people." Dr. John Mann, a surgeon in the United States army who accompanied the invading forces and afterwards wrote the "Medical History of the War,"

styles it "a delightful village." The population was probably underestimated at five hundred exclusive of the regular garrison of Fort George, usually numbering about two hundred men. The names of John Symington, Andrew Heron, Joseph Edwards, John Grier, John Baldwin and James Muirhead have been recorded as some of the princ.i.p.al merchants.

An open plain or common of nearly a mile in width separated the town from Fort George. This post was described by the Governor General in the early summer of 1812, in official report on the defences of Upper Canada as an irregular fieldwork consisting of six small bastions faced with framed timber and plank, connected by a line of palisades twelve feet high, and surrounded by a shallow dry ditch. Its situation and construction were alike condemned as extremely defective. Although it partially commanded Fort Niagara it was in turn overlooked and commanded by the high ground on the opposite side of the river near Youngstown.

The troops were lodged in blockhouses inside affording quarters for 220 men, besides which there was a s.p.a.cious building for the officers. The magazine was built of stone with an arched roof but was not considered bombproof. All the works were very much out of repair and reported as scarcely capable of the least defence.

On the margin of the river immediately in front of the fort stood a large log building known as Navy Hall, which had been constructed during the American Revolution, to serve as winter-quarters for the officers and seamen of the Provincial vessels on Lake Ontario. Near this was a s.p.a.cious wharf with good-sized store houses, both public and private.

The Ranger's Barracks, also built of logs and an Indian Council House were situated on the further edge of the common, just south of the town.

A small stone light house had been built upon Mississauga Point, in 1805-6.

The road leading along the river to Queenston, was thickly studded with farm buildings, and the latter village is said to have contained nearly a hundred houses, many of them being large and well built structures of stone or brick, with a population estimated at 300. Vessels of fifty tons and upwards, loaded with goods for the upper country, sailed up the river to this place, where they discharged their cargoes, and took in furs and grain in return. Ever since its establishment, the "Carrying Place" on the Canadian side of the river, had furnished much profitable employment to the neighboring farmers, who were paid at the rate of twenty pence, New York currency, a hundred weight for hauling goods between Queenston and Chippawa; Maude relates that during his visit in 1800, he pa.s.sed many carts and wagons on this road, taking up boxes and bales of merchandise, or bringing down furs, each drawn by two horses or two yoke of oxen. Three schooners were then moored at the wharf at Queenston, and fourteen teams stood waiting to be loaded. Others had noticed as many as fifty or sixty teams pa.s.sing each other in a day. At this time the old portage on the American bank was entirely dis-used, but in 1806 the exclusive rights to the carrying place on that side were granted to Porter, Barton & Co., and much of the traffic was consequently diverted.

Christian Schultz, tells us that in 1807, the Canadian side of the river was "one settled street, from Lake Ontario to Lake Erie," while the other was still almost wholly "waste and uninhabited," which he attributes chiefly to the fact, that the land on the American bank was entirely held by speculators. The villages of Chippawa and Fort Erie contained about twenty houses each. For upwards of twenty miles back, he states that the country was pretty well settled from lake to lake. A stage coach made three round trips weekly between Niagara and Fort Erie.

A considerable sum from the Provincial Treasury was annually spent in opening and improving roads. Frenchman's, Miller's and Black creeks were bridged only on the river road, but there was a bridge across Lyon's creek, at Cook's Mills, and the Chippawa was bridged at its mouth, and at Brown's sixteen miles higher up. From the Portage Road near the Falls, a continuation of Lundy's Lane led westerly through the Beechwoods and Beaver Dam settlements, crossed the Twelve Mile creek at DeCew's, and following the crest of the mountain to the Twenty, ascended that stream as far as a small hamlet, known as "a.s.swago" and finally united with the main road from Niagara to York near Stoney Creek.

Another well travelled road from Queenston pa.s.sed through St. Davids, and joined the Lake Road from Niagara at s.h.i.+pman's tavern, where they crossed the Twelve Mile Creek on the present site of the city of St.

Catharines. A third leading from Niagara through the dreaded "Black Swamp," of which all trace has long since disappeared, united with the road from St. Davids before crossing the Four Mile creek. Still another beginning near the mouth of the Two Mile creek, ran nearly parallel with the river, till it intersected Lundy's Lane. Besides these there were the main travelled roads along the river from Queenston to Niagara, and along the lake from Niagara to Burlington.

In 1794, Lieutenant Governor Simcoe styled the Niagara settlement, "the bulwark of Upper Canada," and affirmed that the militia were loyal to a man, and "very well calculated for offensive warfare." Since then the character and feelings of the population had been essentially altered.

Many of the first settlers had died or removed with their families to other parts of the Province, and their places had been taken by later immigrants from the United States. The twenty towns.h.i.+ps extending from Ancaster to Wainfleet, which then composed the County of Lincoln, were supposed to contain 12,000 inhabitants in the spring of 1812. In the entire province of Upper Canada, one-sixth of the population were believed to be natives of the British Isles and their children; the original loyalist settlers and their descendants were estimated to number as many more, while the remainder, or about two-thirds of the whole, were recent arrivals from the United States, chiefly attracted by the fertility of the soil and freedom from taxation. Michael Smith states (1813), that within twelve years, the population "had increased beyond conjecture, as the terms of obtaining land have been extremely easy." The proportion of loyalists in the County of Lincoln was perhaps greater than elsewhere, but it is probably a safe estimate to say that one-third of the inhabitants were recent settlers from the United States, who had removed to escape taxation or avoid militia service.

John Maude met several families in 1800 on their way to Canada from those counties in Pennsylvania, where the 'Whiskey Insurrection' had just been suppressed who informed him that "they had fought seven years against taxation, and were then being taxed more than ever. Hundreds of them" he remarked "have removed, are removing, and will remove into Upper Canada, where they will form a nest of vipers in the bosom that fosters them."

In 1811, the Governor General estimated the number of militiamen in Upper Canada fit for service at 11,000, of whom he significantly stated that it would probably not be prudent to arm more than 4000. This was virtually an admission, that more than half the population were suspected of disaffection. The Lincoln Militia were organized in five regiments, numbering about 1,500 men, of whom perhaps two-thirds were determined loyalists.

In many quarters before the war, the disaffection of the people was open and undisguised, Schultz states that while at Presqu'ile, on Lake Ontario, in 1807, he strolled along the main road, and found six or seven farmers a.s.sembled in a country tavern, who had just heard of the Chesapeake affair. "They seemed disappointed," he observed "that I did not think it would lead to war, when they expected to become part of the United States." He also relates that he was subsequently in a public house in Niagara, where eight or ten persons were gathered about a billiard table. The attack upon the Chesapeake again became the topic of conversation, and one man said, "If Congress will only send us a flag and a proclamation declaring that whoever is found in arms against the United States, shall forfeit his lands, we will fight ourselves free without any expense to them."

John Melish declared his conviction from enquiries made during his visit in 1810, "that if 5000 men were sent into Upper Canada with a proclamation of independence, the great ma.s.s of the people would join the American Government." Barnabas Bidwell, formerly Attorney General of Ma.s.sachusetts, who had become a defaulter and fled to the Newcastle District, near the Bay of Quinte, where he was engaged in teaching a private school, wrote secretly to his political friends in a similar strain.

These statements were eagerly quoted, and no doubt believed by the leaders of the war party in Congress. Henry Clay a.s.sured the people that "the conquest of Canada is in your power. I trust I shall not be deemed presumptuous when I state that I verily believe that the Militia of Kentucky are alone competent to place Montreal and Upper Canada at your feet."

On the 6th of March, 1812, Calhoun expressed equal confidence. "So far from being unprepared, Sir," he exclaimed. "I believe that four weeks from the time the declaration of war is heard on our frontier, the whole of Upper Canada and a part of Lower Canada will be in our possession."

Jefferson wrote about the same time that "The acquisition of Canada this year as far as the neighborhood of Quebec, would be a mere matter of marching, and would give us experience for the attack of Halifax, the next and the final expulsion of England from the American continent."

Mr. Eustis, the Secretary of War, was if possible, still more optimistic, "We can take Canada without soldiers," he declared, "we have only to send officers into the Province and the people disaffected to their own Government will rally round our standard." Gen. Widgery, a representative in Congress, gained momentary notoriety by his statement.

"I will engage to take Canada by contract. I will raise a company and take it in six weeks." Another speaker declared that "Niagara Falls could be resisted with as much success as the American people when roused into action" After the declaration of war had been promulgated, Clay, the speaker of the House of Representatives, and the real leader of the war party solemnly declared that he would never consent to any treaty of peace which did not provide for the cession of Canada.

The correspondence of General Brock with the Governor General, shows that in many respects these expectations were well founded, and that he was far from being hopeful of offering a successful defence without strong reinforcements.

"The late increase of ammunition and every species of stores," he wrote on the 2nd December, 1811, "the subst.i.tution of a strong regiment and the appointment of a military person to the government, have tended to infuse other sentiments among the most reflecting part of the community, and during my visit to Niagara last week I received most satisfactory professions of a determination on the part of the princ.i.p.al inhabitants to exert every means in their power for the defence of their property and to support the government. They look with confidence to you for aid.

Although perfectly aware of the number of improper characters who have obtained possessions and whose principles diffuse a spirit of insubordination very adverse to all military inst.i.tutions, I believe the majority will prove faithful. It is best to act with the utmost liberality and as if no mistrust existed. Unless the inhabitants give a faithful aid it will be utterly impossible to preserve the province, with the limited number of military."

On the 24th of February, 1812, a proclamation was published announcing that divers persons had recently come into the province with a seditious intent and to endeavor to alienate the minds of His Majesty's subjects, and directing the officers appointed to enforce the act lately pa.s.sed by the Legislature for the better security of the province against all seditious attempts to be vigilant in the discharge of their duties. Joseph Edwards of Niagara, Samuel Street of Willoughby, Thomas d.i.c.kson of Queenston, William Crooks of Grimsby and Samuel Hutt of Ancaster were among the persons commissioned to execute this law.

On the 17th of April, a boy at Queenston fired a shot across the river which happily did no injury. He was promptly arrested and committed for trial, and two resident magistrates, James Kirby and Robert Grant, tendered an apology to the inhabitants of Lewiston for his offence. Five days later General Brock reported that a body of three hundred men in plain clothes had been seen patrolling the American side of the river.

On the 25th, it was announced that 170 citizens of Buffalo, had volunteered for military service. A proclamation by President Madison calling out one hundred thousand was published about the same time, and the Governor of New York was required to send 500 men to the Niagara which he hastened to do, being a warm advocate of the war.

Meanwhile the flank companies of militia regiments of the counties of Lincoln, Norfolk and York were embodied by General Brock, and drilled six times a month. They numbered about 700 young men belonging to "the best cla.s.s of settlers." By the recent Militia Act, they were required to arm and clothe themselves, and as many of them had far to travel, Brock begged that they should at least receive an allowance for rations.

The Governor General suggested that the Government of the United States entertained hopes that something might happen to provoke a quarrel between its soldiers and the British troops on that frontier, and desired him to take every precaution to prevent any such pretext for hostilities.

Early in May, Brock made a rapid tour of inspection along the Niagara, thence to the Mohawk village on the Grand river, returning to York by way of Ancaster. He reported that the people generally seemed well disposed and that the flank companies had mustered in full strength.

By the 17th of June six hundred American militia were stationed along the river, and a complaint was made by three reputable inhabitants of Fort Erie that their sentries were in the habit of wantonly firing across the stream. On the 25th of the same month this period of suspense was terminated by the arrival of a special messenger employed by Mr.

Astor and other American citizens interested in the Northwest fur trade, to convey the earliest possible information of war to Colonel Thomas Clark, of Queenston, who immediately reported his intelligence to the commandant of Fort Erie. The messenger, one Vosburg, of Albany, had travelled with relays of horses at such speed that he outrode the official courier bearing despatches to Fort Niagara by fully twenty-four hours. On his return he was arrested at Canandaigua, and held to bail together with some of his employers, but it does not appear that they were ever brought to trial.

Lieut. Gansevoort and a sergeant in the United States Artillery, who happened to be on the Canadian side were made prisoners, and the ferry boats plying across the river at Queenston and Fort Erie, were seized by the British troops at those places. The people of Buffalo received their first intimation of the declaration of war by witnessing the capture of a merchant schooner off the harbor by boats from Fort Erie.

The flank companies of militia marched immediately to the frontier, and were distributed along the river in taverns and farm houses. On the second day, General Brock arrived from York, with the intention of making an attack on Fort Niagara. He had then at his disposal, 400 of the 41st Regiment, and nearly 800 militia. Success was all but certain, as the garrison was weak and inefficient. His instructions however, were to act strictly on the defensive, and he abandoned this project in the conviction that the garrison might be driven out at any time by a vigorous cannonade. Rumors of his design seem to have reached General P.

B. Porter, who commanded the militia force on the other side, and he made an urgent demand for reinforcements.

"The British on the opposite side are making the most active preparations for defence," Benjamin Barton wrote from Lewiston on the 24th of June, "New troops are arriving from the Lower Province constantly, and the quant.i.ty of military stores etc. that have arrived within these few weeks is astonis.h.i.+ng. Vast quant.i.ties of arms and ammunition are pa.s.sing up the country, no doubt to arm the Indians around the Upper Lakes, (for they have not white men enough to make use of such quant.i.ties as are pa.s.sing). One-third of the militia of the Upper Province are formed into companies called flankers, and are well armed and equipped out of the King's stores, and are regularly trained one day in a week by an officer of the standing troops. A volunteer troop of horse has lately been raised and have drawn their sabres and pistols. A company of militia artillery has been raised this spring, and exercise two or three days in the week on the plains near Fort George, and practice firing and have become very expert. The noted Isaac Sweazy, has within a few days received a captain's commission for the flying artillery, of which they have a number of pieces. We were yesterday informed by a respectable gentleman from that side of the river, that he was actually purchasing horses for the purpose of exercising his men.

They are repairing Fort George, and building a new fort at York. A number of boats are daily employed, manned by their soldiers, plying between Fort George and Queenston, carrying stores, lime and pickets, for necessary repairs, and to cap the whole, they are making and using every argument and persuasion to induce the Indians to join them, and we are informed the Mohawks have volunteered their service. In fact, nothing appears to be left undone by their people that is necessary for their defence."

However, the Governor General seized the first opportunity of again advising his enterprising lieutenant to refrain from any offensive movements. "In the present state of politics in the United States" he said, "I consider it prudent to avoid any means which can have the least tendency to unite their people. While dissension prevails among them, their attempts on the Province will be feeble. It is therefore my wish to avoid committing any act which may even from a strained construction tend to unite the Eastern and Southern States, unless from its perpetration, we are to derive an immediate, considerable and important advantage."

Brock felt so confident at that moment of his ability to maintain his ground on the Niagara, that he actually stripped Fort George of its heaviest guns for the defence of Amherstburg, which he antic.i.p.ated would be the first point of attack. But the militia who had turned out so cheerfully on the first alarm, after the lapse of a couple of uneventful weeks, became impatient to return to their homes and families. They had been employed as much as possible in the construction of batteries at the most exposed points, and as they were without tents, blankets, hammocks, kettles, or camp equipage of any kind, they had suffered serious discomfort even at that season of the year. As their prolonged absence from their homes, in some cases threatened the total destruction of their crops, many were allowed to return on the 12th of July, and it was feared that the remainder would disband in defiance of the law which only imposed a fine of 20 for desertion. Nearly all of them were wretchedly clothed, and a considerable number were without shoes, which could not be obtained in the Province at any price. Many of the inhabitants Brock indignantly declared, were "indifferent or American in feeling."

However, the month of July pa.s.sed away without developing any symptom of an offensive movement on this frontier. On the 22nd, the session of the Legislature began at York, with the knowledge that General Hull had invaded the Province at Sandwich with a strong force, and in hourly expectation of tidings that the garrison of Amherstburg had surrendered to superior numbers. Yet amid these depressing circ.u.mstances, Brock concluded his "speech from the throne" with these hopeful and inspiring words. "We are engaged in an awful and eventful contest. By unanimity and despatch in our councils, and by vigor in our operations, we may teach the enemy this lesson, that a country defended by freemen who are enthusiastically devoted to their King and Const.i.tution can never be conquered."

During the following week the most discouraging reports from Amherstburg continued to arrive almost daily. It seemed as if the invading army would be able to over run the whole of the Western District, with scarcely a show of resistance on the part of the inhabitants. A majority of the members of the Legislature were apathetic or despondent.

They pa.s.sed a new militia act, and an act to provide for the defence of the Province, but amended both in a highly unsatisfactory manner, after which the House was hastily prorogued by the General who was eager to proceed to the seat of war.