Japan Part 13

Besides these daimyos of different cla.s.ses, Ieyasu established an inferior kind of feudal n.o.bility, which was termed _hatamoto_. This means literally _under the flag_. They had small holdings a.s.signed to them, and their income varied very greatly. Mr. Gubbins, in his paper, puts the number at about 2,000. It was the custom to employ the members of this minor cla.s.s of aristocracy very largely in filling the official positions in the shogun's government. Indeed, it was held as a common maxim, that the offices should be filled by poor men rather than by rich.(234) The _gokenin_, numbering about 5,000, were still another cla.s.s who were inferior to the _hatamoto_. They had small incomes, and were mostly employed in subordinate positions. Beneath these again stood the ordinary fighting men, or common _samurai_, who were the retainers of the daimyos and of the shogun. They were the descendants of the soldiers of the time of Yoritomo, who appointed _s.h.i.+ugo_ to reside with a company of troops in each province, for the purpose of keeping the peace. They had already grown to claim a great superiority over the common people, and Ieyasu encouraged them in this feeling of superciliousness. The people were divided into four cla.s.ses, arranged in the following order: _samurai_, farmers, artisans, and merchants. And in his _Legacy_ Ieyasu thus expresses himself(235): "The _samurai_ are masters of the four cla.s.ses.

Farmers, artisans, and merchants may not behave in a rude manner towards _samurai_ ... and a _samurai_ is not to be interfered with in cutting down a fellow who has behaved to him in a manner other than is expected." Again he says(236): "A girded sword is the living soul of a _samurai_."

The authority coming from so high and so revered a source did not grow less during the centuries of feudalism which followed. The _samurai_ did not fail to use all the privileges which were allowed them by Ieyasu's testamentary law. Especially in the large cities where great numbers of them were gathered, and where idleness led them into endless evil practices, the arrogance and overbearing pride of the _samurai_ made them an intolerable nuisance. Nevertheless it must be allowed that nearly all that was good, and high-minded, and scholarly in j.a.pan was to be found among the ranks of the feudal retainers. It is to them that the credit must be given of the great changes and improvements which have been initiated since j.a.pan was opened up to foreigners. They were the students who went out into the world to learn what western science had to teach them. They have been pioneers in a return to a central authority and to the experiment of a representative government, and to the principles of freedom and toleration to which the country is committed. To them j.a.pan owes its ancient as well as its modern system of education. Its old stores of literature, it is true, are not due to them, but surely all its modern development in newspapers, magazines, history, political science, and legal and commercial codes, is to be traced to the adaptability and energy of the old _samurai_ cla.s.s.

[Ill.u.s.tration]

Sword-Maker.

The _samurai_ had the privilege of carrying two swords; the princ.i.p.al one (_katana_) was about four feet long, nearly straight, but slightly curved toward the point, the blade thick and ground to a keen though blunt edge.

It was carried in a scabbard thrust through the _obi_ or belt on the left side, with the edge uppermost. Besides the _katana_ the _samurai_ carried also a short sword about nine and a half inches long, called _wakizas.h.i.+_.

The blade of the sword was fastened to the hilt by a pin of wood and could be readily detached. On the part of the blade inserted in the hilt, the maker's name was always inscribed, and it was a special matter of pride when he was one of the famous sword-smiths of j.a.pan. The most noted makers were Munechika, Masamune, Yos.h.i.+mitsu, and Muramasa, who ranged from the tenth down through the fourteenth century. The quality of the j.a.panese sword has been a matter of national pride, and the feats which have been accomplished by it seem almost beyond belief. To cleave at one blow three human bodies laid one upon another; to cut through a pile of copper coins without nicking the edge, were common tests which were often tried.(237)

[Ill.u.s.tration]

Sword, Spears, And Matchlock.

It was an essential part of the education of a young _samurai_ that he should be trained thoroughly in martial exercises. The latter part of every school day was given up to this kind of physical training. He was taught to ride a horse, to shoot with the bow, to handle the spear, and especially to be skilled in the etiquette and use of the sword.(238) They went through again and again the tragic details of the commission of _hara-kiri_, and had it impressed on their youthful imaginations with such force and vividness, that when the time for its actual enactment came they were able to meet the b.l.o.o.d.y reality without a tremor and with perfect composure.(239)

The foundation of the relations between the feudal chiefs and their retainers lay in the doctrine of Confucius. The principles which he lays down fitted in admirably to the ideas which the historical system of j.a.panese feudalism had made familiar. They inculcated absolute submission of the son to the father, of the wife to her husband, and of the servant to his master, and in these respects j.a.panese feudalism was a willing and zealous disciple. On these lines Ieyasu constructed his plans of government, and his successors enthusiastically followed in his footsteps.

[Ill.u.s.tration]

Daibutsu At Kamakura.

In religious belief the nation by the time of Ieyasu was largely Buddhistic. Through ten centuries and a half the active propagation of this faith had been going on, until now by far the greater number of the population were Buddhists. In his _Legacy_ Ieyasu expresses a desire to tolerate all religious sects except the Christian. He says: "High and low alike may follow their own inclinations with respect to religious tenets which have obtained down to the present time, except as regards the false and corrupt school (Christianity). Religious disputes have ever proved the bane and misfortune of the empire, and should determinedly be put a stop to."(240)

While he was therefore tolerant towards all the different sects of Buddhism and towards the old s.h.i.+nto faith of the country, he particularly patronized the Jodo sect to which his ancestors had been attached, and to which he charges his posterity to remain faithful.(241) In the archives of the Buddhist temple Zojoji at s.h.i.+ba in Tokyo was preserved an account written by the head priest of the time, how Ieyasu, in 1590, visited the temple and took it under his patronage, saying,(242) "For a general to be without an ancestral temple of his own is as though he were forgetful of the fact that he must die.... I have now come to beg of you to let me make this my ancestral temple here." So that from the time of Ieyasu the Jodo was the authorized sect to which the court of the shoguns was especially attached, and to this is to be attributed the fact that its temples and monasteries in Tokyo have always been of the most majestic and gorgeous character.(243)

Ieyasu did not long hold the office of shogun, which the emperor had conferred upon him in 1603. It is not easy to understand why a man, who was only sixty-three years of age and who was still in vigorous health, should wish to throw off the responsibilities of office and retire to private life. We must remember, however, that it was the custom of his country, consecrated by the usage of the imperial house and of the shoguns and regents who had preceded him. Morever, though he surrendered to his son the t.i.tle of shogun, he retained in his own hands a large part of the power which he had hitherto exercised.

It may be supposed that he was anxious to establish the succession of the shogunate unquestionably in his own family. For this purpose he deemed it wise to initiate a successor while he still had the influence and the power to compel the acquiescence of the feudal lords of the empire. Acting upon these considerations Ieyasu, in 1605, retired in favor of his third son Hidetada. He received from the emperor the t.i.tle of _sei-i-tai-shogun_, which his father had held. Ieyasu took up his residence at Sumpu(244) (now s.h.i.+zuoka), which was situated on Suruga bay, one hundred and fourteen miles from the shogun's capital. Here he maintained a court and practically in all important matters governed the country. He was free, however, from the petty details of the administration, and devoted himself as an amateur to a literary life, to the collection and printing of books, and to the encouragement and patronage of literary men, in which he delighted.

In the meantime important events had been taking place which had great influence on the history of j.a.pan. The contest between the Spanish on the one hand, and the Dutch and English on the other, was not confined to the Atlantic, but broke out in the Pacific, where the Portuguese and Spaniards had so long been predominant. A preliminary to the opening of trade with the Dutch were the arrival of William Adams and his extraordinary experiences in j.a.pan. As we learn from his own letters,(245) he was born near Rochester in England, 1574, and when twelve years old was apprenticed to Nicholas Diggins as a pilot. With him he served for twelve years, then took service as pilot major of a fleet of five sail, which was about to be despatched by the "Indish Companie" to take part in the trade of the East Indies. This fleet had a rough time, and with fevers and scurvy and want of food a great part of the crews of the five vessels died. They sailed by the way of the straits of Magellan, then northward past Chili, and westward across the broad Pacific. Two of the s.h.i.+ps turned back at the straits and returned to Holland. A third vessel was captured by the Spaniards, and the pinnace of a fourth was seized by eight men, and run into some island on their way, supposed to be one of the Sandwich Islands, and there wrecked, and the eight men probably eaten. The two vessels still remaining were the _Hope_ and the _Charity_. The former of these was never more heard of. The sole remaining vessel was the _Charity_, of which Jaques Maih.o.r.e was the master, and William Adams was the pilot. Sickness, especially the scurvy, which was the frightful scourge on board the vessels of that day, had reduced the crew, so that only four were able to walk, of whom Adams was one, and four more could creep on their knees.

In this condition they reached, on the eleventh of April, 1600, the northeastern coast of the island of Kyushu, landing in the province of Bungo, whose prince in earlier days had been the friend and patron of the Portuguese Jesuits. They were kindly received, the governor of the district furnis.h.i.+ng a guard to protect their property-too late however for the preservation of much of it-and a house in which the sick could be cared for. In a few days a Portuguese Jesuit and other Portuguese arrived from Nagasaki, through whom the Dutch could communicate with the natives.

The national and religious animosity between the strangers and their interpreters could not fail, however, to manifest itself. The Portuguese tried to create the impression that the refugees were pirates and unworthy of protection and help.

In accordance with the usual custom, word was immediately sent to Ieyasu (whom Adams calls the emperor), who at this time was at the castle of Osaka. He sent boats to Bungo, by which Adams and one of the crew were conveyed to his castle. Adams gives an interesting account of his reception, of the questions asked concerning his country, and its relations to the Spanish and Portuguese. He took occasion to explain, that the object of the Dutch in entering the East was purely that of trade, that they had in their own country many commodities which they would be glad to exchange for the products of the eastern nations.

After this interview Adams was kept thirty-nine days in prison, expecting to suffer the punishment of crucifixion, which he understood was the common mode of disposing of such characters. He found afterwards that the Portuguese had been using means to poison the mind of Ieyasu by representing them as dangerous characters, and recommending that all the refugees should be put to death as a warning to others. But he tells us(246) that Ieyasu answered them, that "we as yet had done to him nor to none of his lands any harm or dammage [and it was] against Reason and Justice to put us to death. If our countreys had warres the one with the other, that was no cause that he should put us to death."

While Adams was thus kept in prison, the _Charity_ had been brought to Sakai, near to Osaka. Finally he was set at liberty, and suffered to revisit his s.h.i.+p, where he found the captain and remnant of the crew. The goods and clothing on board had been stolen by the natives, which Ieyasu tried to recover for them. But everything had been so scattered that it was impossible to regain it, "savinge 50,000 Rs in reddy money was commanded to be geven us" [as compensation]. After this settlement they were ordered to sail with their s.h.i.+p to the "land of Quanto and neere to the citie Eddo," whither Ieyasu was about to proceed by land. Here they had a mutiny among their men, which ended in the entire disbanding of the crew, and the dividing up among them the money which they had received for their goods. Each man was left to s.h.i.+ft for himself. The captain got permission to sail in a j.a.panese junk to Patan, where he hoped to meet Dutch vessels.

Adams himself was kept about the shogun's court, and was made useful in various ways. His first achievement was to build a vessel of about eighteen tons burthen, which gained him great favor, in which he made several short voyages. Then in 1609, by command of the shogun, he built another s.h.i.+p of one hundred and twenty tons burthen, which also was a successful venture. For it so happened that the governor of Manila was on his way to Nova Spania(247) in a large s.h.i.+p of one thousand tons burthen, and was wrecked on the east coast of j.a.pan, in the province of s.h.i.+mosa.

The governor and those of his comrades who were saved from the s.h.i.+pwreck were sent on to Acapulco in the s.h.i.+p which Adams had just built. In the year following, the governor, in recognition of their kindness to him, sent back to the j.a.panese government a much larger vessel as a present, the original being sent to and retained at Manila.

Adams was a straightforward, honest fellow, and commended himself to Ieyasu by usefulness not only in such matters as building s.h.i.+ps, but in furnis.h.i.+ng information concerning foreign affairs, which at this time were pressing on the government. In order to render him more content, Ieyasu gave him a small holding at Hemi, near the present town of Yokosuka, a few hours' sail from Yedo. He himself speaks of this property as "a living like unto a lords.h.i.+p in England, with eighty or ninety husbandmen, that be as my slaves or servants."(248) He probably also had a residence in Yedo, for there is to this day a street called _An-jin-cho_, or Pilot Street, near Nihonbas.h.i.+, which is popularly believed to have been the street in which Adams lived. He himself says that he was known among the j.a.panese as "An-gin Sama," or Mr. Pilot. To console himself for the loss of his wife and children left in England, he married a j.a.panese wife, who, with several children, is mentioned by Captain c.o.c.ks in the visit above referred to. Notwithstanding his frequent endeavors to get back to England, he was never able to return, but after much important service both to the Dutch and English, to which we shall refer below, he died May 6, 1620.(249)

The first appearance of the Dutch after Adams' s.h.i.+pwreck, as above described, was in 1609, when the _Red Lion_ and the yacht _Griffon_ arrived at Hirado. They were well received by the daimyo, and a deputation was sent to Yedo to visit the shogun. Adams, in his second letter, speaks of their being "received in great friends.h.i.+p, making conditions with the emperor (shogun) yearly to send a s.h.i.+p or two." They were given a letter addressed to the "King of Holland," with which they went back, arriving home July, 1610. This letter, among other things, promises, "that they (your subjects), in all places, countries, and islands under mine obedience, may traffic and build homes serviceable and needful for their trade and merchandises, where they may trade without any hindrance at their pleasure, as well in time to come as for the present, so that no man shall do them any wrong. And I will maintain and defend them as mine own subjects."(250)

In accordance with this agreement the first vessel to arrive was a small yacht in July, 1611. A deputation from this vessel also went to visit the shogun and the retired shogun. It so chanced that a Portuguese party had preceded them by a few days. These deputations met at the court of Ieyasu.

By the a.s.sistance of Adams, who was ready to do a favor to his old friends, the Dutch were kindly welcomed by the ex-shogun's court, and in spite of the hostility, or perhaps aided by the hostility, of the Portuguese, they received from him a patent for continued trade. As given in Kaempfer in translation it is as follows:

"All Dutch s.h.i.+ps that come into my empire of j.a.pan, whatever place or port they may put into, we do hereby expressly command all and every one of our subjects not to molest the same in any way, nor to be a hindrance to them; but, on the contrary, to show them all manner of help, favor and a.s.sistance. Every one shall beware to maintain the friends.h.i.+p, in a.s.surance of which we have been pleased to give our imperial word to these people; and every one shall take care that our commands and promises be inviolably kept.

"Dated (in j.a.panese equivalent to) August 30, 1611."(251)

This was the authority on which the Dutch trade in j.a.pan began, and under which, with many changes and vicissitudes, it continued to the time when the country was opened by treaty to foreign nations.

The effort made by English merchants to open a trade with the j.a.panese was made only a little after this time. Indeed, it is said that the report brought back by the Dutch in the _Red Lion_ concerning Adams' presence and influence in j.a.pan, gave the impulse which started an expedition under Captain John Saris in January, 1611. Saris was an old adventurer in the East, and therefore fitted to encounter the varied experiences of his proposed trip. He carried a letter from James I., then king of England, to Ieyasu the retired shogun. At Bantam on his way he found that Adams' first letter,(252) contained in the collection of his letters, and dated October 22, 1611, had just been received by the English merchants. It encouraged Saris to push on in his expedition. He arrived at Hirado, June, 1613, where the daimyo welcomed him and immediately sent off a special messenger to the shogun's court to summon Adams to their aid. He came at once, and by his advice Captain Saris with a party set out to pay his respects to the retired shogun. He gives an interesting account(253) of this journey and visit, which resulted in a charter of privileges(254) for the London East India Company to trade in any port of the empire. Having arranged to his great satisfaction this important matter he returned to Hirado, where he established a factory to serve as the basis for future English trade.

In this, however, he encountered no little opposition from the Dutch traders, who had a factory in the same place. For while these enterprising nations, who had been allies in the days of the Armada, could combine very readily in opposition to the Spanish and Portuguese, it was not easy for either of them to look on complacently while the other secured for itself superior advantages in the matter of trade. Captain Saris tried to come to some agreement with his rivals, so that the prices of commodities might be kept up, but he was compelled to see the Dutch factory, in order to crowd him out of the field, putting the goods which they had for sale at prices which were ruinous to both. Having established matters, however, on as satisfactory a footing as he could arrange, and having left his comrade, Captain c.o.c.ks, in charge of the English factory, he sailed for home.

The subsequent events in the history of English trade with j.a.pan may as well be traced here. The relations of the English and Dutch in the East grew steadily more inimical. Perhaps this was due to the increasing rivalry in trade and navigation which prevailed between them at home. In 1617 the London East India Company fitted out an expedition of five large vessels. This fleet arrived in the East in the summer of the following year. After much hostile skirmis.h.i.+ng in which the Dutch obtained the permanent advantage, and the English commander was about to retire, word was brought to them from Europe that a peace had been arranged between the two countries. The English and Dutch vessels accordingly sailed to j.a.pan, where they took a hand at trade; because in those days s.h.i.+ps always were sent to the East prepared either to fight or trade as the case required.

But this amicable arrangement did not last many years. The ma.s.sacre at the Spice Islands in 1623, for which Cromwell afterward exacted an indemnity, ended all attempts at co-operation in the East. Soon after this the English company withdrew entirely from the j.a.panese trade, having lost in the effort forty thousand pounds. The Dutch were thus left without a rival, and we shall see on what conditions and at what sacrifices they continued to maintain their monopoly.

During the period of Ieyasu's retirement, which lasted from 1605 until his death in 1616, he devoted himself, as we have seen, to the consolidation of his family dynasty and to such literary occupations as his leisure allowed. He was a patron of the art derived from Korea, which then was popular in j.a.pan, of printing with movable types.(255) This art fell into disuse afterwards, but during Ieyasu's retirement in Sumpu he interested himself in printing with blocks as well as by the new method. When he died he was engaged in seeing through the press an edition of an important Chinese work.

He left behind him a doc.u.ment, called the _Legacy of Ieyasu_, which to those desirous of studying the character and motives of the founder of the Tokugawa dynasty possesses a supreme interest. Some doubt has been thrown by j.a.panese critics on the authenticity of this composition. It has been a.s.serted that it was not the work of Ieyasu and therefore not worthy of the reverence in which it has been held. But whether the _Legacy_(256) was originally composed by him or approved and sanctioned by him, matters little for our purpose. It dates from the time of the founding of the Tokugawa shogunate, and has been an unimpeachable authority during all its history. One of the singular features in the disposition of the _Legacy_, to which Professor Grigsby directs attention, was the secrecy in which it was kept. The original was preserved in Kyoto and was never seen, while an authenticated copy was kept at the shogun's court in Yedo, and once a year was open to the inspection of all above a certain rank. To us it seems unaccountable that a body of so-called laws, by which the conduct of men was to be guided, should be kept secret from them. But it must be remembered that in those days there were no such things as laws in the sense we now understand the term. There were magistrates who heard causes and complaints, but their decisions were based not on laws which had been enacted by the government, but upon prevailing custom and upon the innate sense of justice which was a.s.sumed to be present in the mind of every man.

Whatever laws or rules therefore were in existence were not for the information of the people, but for the guidance of the magistrates.

The _Legacy of Ieyasu_ consists of one hundred chapters, arranged without any attempt at logical order. Each chapter treats of a single, separate subject, and is usually of a very moderate length. As Professor Grigsby has pointed out: "Sixteen chapters consist of moral maxims and reflections; fifty-five are connected with politics and administrations; twenty-two refer to legal matters, and in seven Ieyasu relates episodes of his own personal history." The moral maxims are quoted chiefly from the works of the Chinese sages, Confucius and Mencius. While the collection on the whole has a military aspect, and plainly encourages and promotes the well-being of a military cla.s.s, yet we see in it the mild and peaceful nature of Ieyasu. The fifteenth chapter says: "In my youth my sole aim was to conquer and subjugate inimical provinces and to take revenge on the enemies of my ancestors. Yuyo teaches, however, that 'to a.s.sist the people is to give peace to the empire,' and since I have come to understand that the precept is founded on sound principle, I have undeviatingly followed it. Let my posterity hold fast this principle. Any one turning his back upon it is no descendant of mine. The people are the foundation of the empire."

His estimate of the social relations is given in the forty-sixth chapter, in which he says: "The married state is the great relation of mankind. One should not live alone after sixteen years of age, but should procure a mediator and perform the ceremony of matrimonial alliance. The same kindred, however, may not intermarry. A family of good descent should be chosen to marry into; for when a line of descendants is prolonged, the foreheads of ancestors expand. All mankind recognize marriage as the first law of nature."

The old custom of servants and retainers following their masters to death, and committing suicide in order to accompany them, is referred to in the seventy-fifth chapter.(257) It is not improbable that some exhibition of this custom occasionally was seen in the days of Ieyasu, for he very sternly condemns it thus: "Although it is undoubtedly an ancient custom for a va.s.sal to follow his lord to death, there is not the slightest reason in the practice.... These practices are strictly forbidden, more especially to primary retainers, and also to secondary retainers even to the lowest. He is the opposite of a faithful servant who disregards this prohibition; his posterity shall be impoverished by the confiscation of his property, as a warning to those who disobey the laws."(258)

It is not necessary to follow in detail the line of Tokugawa shoguns. Few of them impressed themselves in any marked manner on the history of their country. Iemitsu, the third shogun, who was a grandson of Ieyasu, was a man of great ability, and left many marks of his talents upon the empire.

Under his administration the capital made great advances. He bound the daimyos to his house by requiring them to maintain residences in Yedo under the surveillance of the government. His mausoleum is placed with that of his grandfather amid the august glories of Nikko. Tsunayos.h.i.+ (1681-1709) during his inc.u.mbency was more than usually interested in the peaceful prosperity of his country, and is gratefully remembered for his patronage of education and letters. But on the whole they were content to fill the office of shogun in a perfunctory manner, and to leave to subordinates the duty of governing.

j.a.pan reached the acme of her ancient greatness during the Tokugawa dynasty. The arts which have given her such a deservedly high rank attained their greatest perfection. Keramics and lacquer, which are her most exquisite arts, achieved a degree of excellence to which we can now only look back with hopeless admiration. Metal-work, as shown in the manufacture of bronze and in the forging and mounting of swords, was scarcely less notable. The still higher art of painting, which came to j.a.pan from China, rose during the Tokugawa period to the rank which it still holds in the estimation of the artistic world.

The best evidence, however, of the civilization of a people is found in their social condition. To learn the true culture of a nation it is necessary to study their education and literature, their laws and system of government, and their morals and religion. In some of these particulars it is still difficult to obtain an adequate knowledge of j.a.pan. But gradually they are being revealed to us. The laws and legal precedents(259) which prevailed during the Tokugawa period have been unearthed from the archives of the Department of Justice and are being published in the _Transactions of the Asiatic Society_.

The medical and scientific advancement of j.a.pan in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was not co-ordinate with her progress in the arts.

They were hampered with the old Chinese notions about a male principle and a female principle which were conceived to prevail in nature, and with the five elements to which the human organs were supposed to correspond.

Fortunately nature has ways of healing diseases in spite of theories and drugs. To this benign principle must be a.s.signed the fact that the human race has survived the surgery and medicaments of mediaeval Europe as well as mediaeval China and j.a.pan. In one particular the medical art of j.a.pan seems to have been differently, perhaps better, conducted than in Europe.

It is narrated by the j.a.panese annalists,(260) that if a physican made a mistake in his prescription or in his directions for taking the medicine he was punished by three years' imprisonment and a heavy fine; and if there should be any impurity in the medicine prescribed or any mistake in the preparation, sixty lashes were inflicted besides a heavy fine.

[Ill.u.s.tration]

Oban. Gold Coin, 1727.

Three peculiar modes of medical practice deserve notice. The first was acupuncture, which consisted in inserting a thin needle through the skin into the muscles beneath. A second was the cauterization by _moxa_(261) (j.a.panese _mogusa_). This was effected by placing over the spot a small conical wad of the fibrous blossoms of mugwort (_Artemisia vulgaris latifolia_). The cone was kindled at the top and slowly burned till it was consumed. A painful blister was produced on the spot, which was believed to have a wholesome effect in the case of many complaints. A third mode of treatment is the practice of _ma.s.sage_ (_amma_), which western nations have borrowed, and which in j.a.pan it has long been the exclusive privilege of the blind to apply.