The History of the American Expedition Fighting the Bolsheviki Part 32

The Chamber of Commerce of the United States has, through Frederic J.

Haskin, Was.h.i.+ngton, D. C., distributed an admirable pamphlet, temperate and judicial, which compares the Soviet system with the American const.i.tutional system. This pamphlet written by Hon. Burton L. French, of Idaho, concludes his discussion as follows:

"In a government that has been heralded so widely as being the most profound experiment in democracy that has ever been undertaken, we would naturally expect that the franchise would be along lines that would recognize all mankind embraced within the citizens.h.i.+p of the nation as standing upon an equal footing. The United States has for many years adhered to that principle. It was that principle largely for which our fathers died when they established our government, and yet that principle seems foreign to the way of thinking of Lenin and Trotsky as they shaped the Russian const.i.tution.

PARALLEL 8--THOSE WHO MAY VOTE RUSSIA 1. The franchise extends to all over 18 years of age who have acquired the means of living through manual labor, and also persons engaged in housekeeping for the former.

2. Soldiers of the army and navy.

3. The former two cla.s.ses when incapacitated.

UNITED STATES All men (and women in many states, and soon in all) who are citizens and over 21 years of age, excepting those disfranchised on account of illiteracy, mental ailment or criminal record.

"Bear in mind the liberal franchise with which the American Nation meets her citizens and let me ask you to contemplate the franchise that is handed out to the people of Russia who are; 18 years of age or over who have acquired the means of living through labor that is productive and useful to society and persons engaged in housekeeping in behalf of the former are ent.i.tled to the franchise. Who else? The soldiers of the army and navy. Who else? Any of the former two cla.s.ses who have become incapacitated.

"Now turn to the next sections of the Russian const.i.tution and see who are disfranchised.

"The merchant is disfranchised; ministers of all denominations are disfranchised; and then, while condemning the Czar for tyranny, the soviet const.i.tution solemnly declares that those who were in the employ of the Czar or had been members of the families of those who had ruled in Russia for many generations shall be denied suffrage.

"Persons who have income from capital or from property that is theirs by reason of years of frugality, industry, and thrift are penalized by being denied the right to vote. They are placed in the cla.s.s with criminals, while the profligate, the tramp who works enough to obtain the means by which he can hold body and soul together, is able to qualify under the const.i.tution of Russia and is ent.i.tled to a vote.

Under that system in the United States the loyal men and women who bought Liberty Bonds, in their country's peril would be disfranchised while the slacker would have the right of suffrage.

"Persons who employ hired labor in order to obtain from it an increase in profits may not vote or hold office. Under that system the manufacturer who furnishes employment for a thousand men would be denied the ballot, while those in his employ could freely exercise the right of franchise. Under that system the farmer who hires a crew of men to help him harvest his crop is denied the franchise. Under that system the dairyman who hires a boy to milk his cows or to deliver milk is denied the franchise.

"The const.i.tution of Russia adopts the declaration of rights as part of the organic act to the extent that changes have not been made, by the const.i.tution. Examine them--the const.i.tution and the declaration of rights--we find other most astounding doctrines in the soviet fundamental law. I shall not discuss but merely mention a few of them.

They do not pertain so much to the structure of government as they do to the economic and social conditions surrounding the people under the soviet system:

"First. Private owners.h.i.+p of land is abolished. (No compensation, open or secret, is paid to the former owner.)

"Second. Civil marriage alone is legal. By act of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets a marriage may be accomplished by the contracting parties declaring the fact orally, or by writing to the department of registry of marriage. Divorce is granted by pet.i.tion of both or either party upon proof alone that divorce is desired.

"Third. The teaching of religious doctrines is forbidden in private schools, as well as in schools that are public.

"Fourth. No church or religious society has the right to own property.

(The soviet leaders boldly proclaim the home and the church as the enemies of their system, and from the foregoing it would seem that they are trying to destroy them.)

"Fifth. Under the general authority granted to the soviets by the const.i.tution inheritance of property by law or will has been abolished.

"These amazing features of the const.i.tution and laws enacted under the const.i.tution speak more eloquently than any words that could be used to amplify them in portraying the hideousness of a system of government that, if permitted to continue, must inevitably crush out the home in large part by the flippancy with which marriage and divorce are regarded, by the refusal of permitting the land to be held in private owners.h.i.+p, and by refusing the parent the right at death to pa.s.s on to his wife or to his children the fruits of years of toil.

"What, then, is my arraignment of sovietism according to the soviet const.i.tution?

"1. The people have no direct vote or voice in government, except the farmers in their local rural soviets and the city dwellers in their urban soviets.

"2. The rural, county, provincial, regional, and All-Russian soviets are elected indirectly, and the people have no direct vote in the election.

"3. The people have no voice in the election of executive officers of the highest or lowest degrees.

"4. There is no mention of independent judicial officers in the const.i.tution.

"5. The people are very largely disfranchised.

"6. The farmer of Russia is discriminated against.

"7. The system raises cla.s.s against cla.s.s; the voters vote by trade and craft groups instead of on the basis of thought units.

"8. The system strikes a blow at the church and the home.

"9. The system is pyramidal and means highly centralized and autocratic power.

"The soviet system of government can not be defended. It is against the interests of the very men for whom it is supposed to have been established--the laboring man. He is the man most of all who must suffer under any kind of government or system that is wrong. He is the man who would be out of bread within the shortest time. He is the man whose family would be dest.i.tute of clothing in the shortest time. He is the man whose family will suffer through disease, famine, and pestilence in the shortest time.

"As it is against the best interest of the laboring man, so it is against the best interest of all the people, and, as a matter of fact, the overwhelming ma.s.s of people of this country and all countries is made up of laboring people.

"Finally, the soviet government, as foreshadowed in its const.i.tution, is obviously unjust, unfair and discriminatory. This fact will appear at once to any mind trained to the American manner of thought, which takes the trouble to investigate sovietism, and whatever tendency there may be to approve will disappear with better understanding."

"Men in high places who have had opportunity to get the facts," says Mr.

Burton, "give their impressions of the experiment:

"WOODROW WILSON, President of the United States.--'There is a closer monopoly of power in Moscow and Petrograd than there ever was in Berlin.'

"SAMUEL GOMPERS, President of the American Federation of Labor.-- 'Bolshevism is as great an attempt to disrupt the trade unions as it is to overturn the government of the United States. It means the decadence or perversion of the civilization of our time. To me, the story of the desperate Samson who pulled the temple down on his head is an example of what is meant by bolshevism.'

"MORRIS HILLQUIT, International Secretary of the Socialist Party.--'The Socialists of the United States would have no hesitancy whatsoever in joining forces with the rest of their countrymen to repel the Bolsheviki who would try to invade our country and force a form of government upon our people which our people were not ready for, and did not desire.'

"HERBERT HOOVER, Former United States Food Administrator.--'The United States has been for one hundred and fifty years steadily developing a social philosophy of its own. This philosophy has stood this test in the fire of common sense. We have a willingness to abide by the will of the majority. For all I know it may be necessary to have revolutions in some places in Europe in order to bring about these things, but it does not follow that such philosophies have any place with us.'

"WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT, Former President of the United States.--'I do not fear bolshevism in this country. I do not mean that in congested centers foreigners and agitators will not have influence. But Americans as a whole have a deep love for America. It is a vital love that the sensational appeals of bolshevists and agitators cannot weaken'."

A yellowed and tattered cartoon that hung on a Company bulletin board at 466 when the snow was slipping away.

"America Looks Mighty. Good After You've Seen Europe" is the t.i.tle.

On the right stands the Bolshevik orator on a soap box. His satchel bursting out with propaganda and pamphlets on Bolshevism from Europe. In his hand he holds a pamphlet that has a message for the returning doughboys. The agitator's hair and whiskers bristle with hatred and envy. His yellow teeth look hideous between his snarling lips. And he points a long skinny finger for the doughboy to see his message, which is, "Down with America, it's all Wrong." So much for the man who came from Europe to wreck America.

Now look at the Man Who Went to Europe to Save America and is now back on the west side of the Statue of Liberty. Does he look interested in Bolshevism Or downhearted over America? No. In his figure a manful contrast to the scraggly agitator. In his face no hate, no malice. He does not even hate the self-deluded agitator.

His clean-brushed teeth are exposed by a good-humored smile of a.s.surance and confidence. He does not extend a fist but he waves off the fool Bolshevik orator with a good-natured but nevertheless final answer. And here it is: "Go on--Take That Stuff Back to Where You Got it--I Wouldn't Trade a Log Hut on a Swamp in America for the Whole of Europe!"

We are thinking that the cartoon just about says it for all returned soldiers from North Russia. We want nothing to do with the Bolo agitator in this country who would make another Russia of the United States. We let them blow off steam, are patient with their vagaries, are willing to give every man a fair hearing if he has a grievance, but we don't fall for their wild ideas about tearing things up by the roots.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Cartoon. s.h.i.+p at an American pier in the background.

Soldier standing erect on the left says "Go on--Take That Stuff Back to Where You Got it--I Wouldn't Trade a Log Hut on a Swamp in America for the Whole of Europe!" Orator standing crouched on soapbox on the right.

Orator is holding a paper saying "Down with America! It's all wrong!"

Papers in orator's sack: "Bolshevism from Europe" "East side of New York propaganda"]

AMERICA LOOKS MIGHTY GOOD AFTER YOU'VE SEEN EUROPE --COLUMBUS EVENING DISPATCH