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Each citizen, no matter how humble that citizen may be, can have a part.
Let us do our part; joining together, let us solve the problems with which we have to deal, and, by so doing, bless our country and, through it, other lands. Let us join together and raise the light of our civilization so high that its rays, illumining every land, may lead the world to those better things for which the world is praying.
VIII
"HIS GOVERNMENT AND PEACE"
By way of introduction, allow me to say that I fully recognize the difference between a _presentation_ of fundamental principles and an _application_ of those principles to life. While an _application_ of principles arouses greater interest it is more apt to bring out differences of opinion and to excite controversy. But the Christian is always open-minded because he desires to _know_ the right and to do it.
He "prove(s) all things and hold(s) fast that which is good." Therefore, he welcomes light on every subject, from every source. It is in this spirit that I speak to you and it is this spirit that I invoke. I speak from conviction, formed after prayerful investigation, and am as anxious to be informed as I am to inform.
Some twenty years ago I turned back to the sixth verse of the ninth chapter of Isaiah to refresh my memory on the t.i.tles bestowed on the Messiah whose coming the prophet foretold. After reading verse six, my eyes fell on verse seven and it impressed me as it had not on former readings. This was probably because I had recently been giving attention to governmental problems and had occasionally heard advanced a very gloomy philosophy, namely, that a government, being the work of man, must, like man, pa.s.s through certain changes that mark a human life--that is, be born, grow strong, and then, after a period of maturity, decline and die. It is a repulsive doctrine and my heart rebelled against it. It offends one's patriotism, too, to be compelled to admit that, in spite of all that can be done, our government _must some day perish_. In verse seven we read of a government that _will not die_:
"Of the increase of his government and peace there shall be no end, ...
to establish it with judgment and with justice from henceforth even forever."
The fault in the philosophy to which I have referred lies in the fact that while government is each day in control of those then living, it really belongs to generations rather than to individuals. As one generation pa.s.ses off the stage another comes on; therefore, there is no reason why this government should ever be weaker or worse than it is now unless our people decline in virtue, intelligence and patriotism. It should grow better as the people improve.
In the verse quoted we find that the enduring government--the government of Christ--is to rest on justice. And so, our government must rest on justice if it is to endure. But what is justice? We are familiar with this word but how shall it be interpreted in governmental terms? Christ furnished the solution--He presented a scheme of Universal Brotherhood in which justice will be possible.
To show how important this doctrine of brotherhood is, let us consider for a moment the alternative relations.h.i.+p. There are but two att.i.tudes that one can a.s.sume in regard to his fellowmen--the att.i.tude of brother and the att.i.tude of the brute; there is no middle ground.
This is the choice that each human being must make--a choice as distinct and fundamental as the choice between G.o.d and Baal; and it is a choice not unlike that.
One may be a very weak brother or a very feeble brute, but each person is, consciously or unconsciously, controlled by the sympathetic spirit of brotherhood or he hunts for spoil with the savage hunger of a beast of prey.
I am not making a new cla.s.sification; I am merely calling attention to a cla.s.sification that has come down from the beginning of history. Many years ago I heard a man from New Zealand tell how a cannibal in that country once supported his claim to a piece of land on the ground that the t.i.tle pa.s.sed to him when he ate the former owner. I accepted this story as a bit of humour, but it accurately describes an historic form of t.i.tle. Even among the highly civilized nations governments convey to their subjects or citizens land secured by conquest, the lands being taken from the conquered by the conquerors. A tramp, so the story goes, being ordered out of a n.o.bleman's yard, questioned the owner's t.i.tle.
The latter explained that the t.i.tle to the land had come down to him in unbroken line from father to son through a period of 700 years, beginning with an ancestor who fought for it. "Let's fight for it again," suggested the tramp.
To show how ancient is the distinction that I am trying to make clear, I remind you that both the Psalmist and Solomon used the word "brutish"
in describing certain kinds of men, and one of the minor prophets calls down wrath upon those who build a city with blood. Christ, it will be remembered, denounced the hypocrites who devoured widows' houses and for a pretense made long prayers.
The devouring did not cease with that generation; it is to-day a menace to stable government and to civilization itself. In times of peace we have the profiteer who is guilty of practices which violate all rules of morality even when they do not actually violate statute law. In this "Land of the free and home of the brave," we have been compelled to enact laws to restrain brutishness--not only laws to prevent a.s.sault, murder, arson, the white slave traffic, etc., but also laws to restrain men engaged in legitimate business. Pure food laws prevent the adulteration of that which the people eat--men were willing to destroy health and even life in order to add to their profits. Child labour laws have become necessary to keep employers from dwarfing the bodies, minds and souls of the young in their haste to make larger dividends.
Usury laws are necessary to protect the borrowers from the lenders, and, from occasional violations, we can judge what the condition would be if the very respectable business of banking was not strictly regulated by law. We have an anti-trust law intended to prevent the devouring of small industries by large ones--law made necessary by injustice nation-wide in extent.
Congress and the legislatures of the several states are constantly compelled to legislate against so-called "business" enterprises that are being conducted on a brute basis--some are combinations in restraint of trade, others are merely gambling transactions. For a generation the agriculturists, who const.i.tute about one-third of our entire population, have been at the mercy of a comparatively small group of market gamblers who, by betting, force prices up or down for their own pecuniary gain.
An anti-option law has been recently enacted after an agitation of nearly thirty years, and also a law regulating the packers. These are only a few ill.u.s.trations; they could be multiplied without limit. They show how unbrotherly society sometimes is even in this highly favoured nation.
How can Christ's teachings relieve the situation? Easily. He dealt with fundamentals, and gave special attention to the causes of evil. He taught, first, that man should love G.o.d--the basis of all religion; second, He taught that man should commune with the Heavenly Father through prayer--the basis of all wors.h.i.+p; third, He proclaimed the existence of a future life in which the righteous shall be rewarded and the wicked punished. These three doctrines contribute powerfully to morality, the basis of stable government. In another address I have called attention to the destructive influence exerted by the doctrine of evolution, as applied to man, and have pointed out how Darwinism weakens faith in G.o.d, makes a mockery of prayer, undermines belief in immortality, reduces Christ to the stature of a man, lessens the sense of brotherhood and encourages brutishness. It is unnecessary, therefore, to dwell upon this subject in this address.
Christ warned against the sins into which man is sure to fall when the heart is not wholly devoted to the service of G.o.d. He shows how evil in the heart will manifest itself in the life. Greed is at the bottom of most of the wrong-doing with which government has to deal. The Bible says "the love of money is a root of all kinds of evil."
It surely is responsible for unspeakable ills. The case is so plain that human reason would seem sufficient to furnish a cure. It ought not to be difficult to agree upon the principles that should govern legitimate acc.u.mulations.
There are two propositions that cover the whole ground; one is economic and the other rests upon religion. Both are based upon the laws of G.o.d, but one can be enforced by the government, while the other is binding on the conscience alone.
The divine law of rewards is self-evident. When G.o.d gave us the earth with its fertile soil, the suns.h.i.+ne with its warmth and the rains with their moisture, His voice proclaimed as clearly as if it had issued from the skies: Go work, and in proportion to your industry and ability so shall be your reward. This is G.o.d's law and it will prevail except where force suspends it or cunning evades it. It is the duty of the Church to teach, and the duty of Christians to respect, G.o.d's law of rewards.
It is the duty of the government to give free course and full sway to the divine law of rewards; first, by abstaining from interference with that law; and second, by preventing interference by individuals. No defense need be made of the righteousness of this law; just in so far as the government can make it possible for each individual to draw from society according to his contribution to the welfare of society it will encourage the maximum of effort on the part of the individual and, therefore, on the part of society as a whole. If some receive more than their share, others will necessarily receive less than their share--the very essence of injustice; the former will become indolent because work is not required of them and the latter will grow desperate because their toil is not fairly rewarded. Injustice is the greatest enemy of government.
But there is a sphere which the government cannot and should not invade. The government's work ends when it has insured just rewards by preventing unjust profits, but even a just government cannot bring about an equal distribution of happiness. It can and should guarantee equality before the law--that is, equality of opportunity and equal treatment at the hand of the government--but that will not insure equal prosperity to each or bestow on all an equal amount of enjoyment. Ability will have to be taken into consideration, and likewise, industry, integrity and many other factors.
While the government can encourage all the virtues it cannot compel them; there is a zone between that Which can be legally required and that which is morally desirable. When the government has done all in its power--all that it can do and all that it should do--there will be inequalities in success, based upon inequalities in merit. There must, therefore, be a spiritual law to govern when the statute law, based upon economic principles, has reached its limit.
Christ suggests such a law--the law of stewards.h.i.+p. We hold what we have--no matter how justly acquired--in trust. That which is ours by economic right and by the government's permission, is not ours to waste.
We have no more moral right to squander it foolishly than we have to throw away our bodily strength, our mental energy or our moral worth.
When we a.n.a.lyze ourselves we find that there is little of real value in us for which we can claim sole credit. We inherit much from ancestry and draw much from environment long before we are able to choose our surroundings. The ideals which come to us from others will account for nearly all that we do not derive from the past and from those among whom we spend our youth. If one has accepted Christ, received forgiveness of sin and been brought into living contact with the Heavenly Father, he becomes indebted beyond the power of language to describe. Our indebtedness if discharged at all must be paid not, as a rule, to those who have contributed most largely to making us what we are, but by general service to those now living and to those who succeed us. Our debtors are as impersonal as our creditors.
Nothing could contribute more to the security of the government than an approximation to the divine standard of rewards, and if all then recognized and obeyed the law of stewards.h.i.+p nearly all the complaint that would still exist would be silenced by the volunteer service rendered by the fortunate to the unfortunate.
"The mob"--the terror of orderly government--has been described by Victor Hugo as "the human race in misery." When the brotherhood of Christ is established a just standard of rewards will abolish law-made misery and private benevolence will relieve such suffering as may come upon the members of society without their fault and in spite of all the government can do.
But plain as are the dangers arising from love of money, and reasonable as seem the means of meeting them, the mad race for riches goes on all over the world. The mind is powerless to call a halt; intellectual processes fail--man needs a voice that can speak with authority--a voice that must be obeyed. He needs even more--he needs to be born again. His heart must be cleansed and his thoughts turned to higher things. It is to such that Christ appeals when He asks: "What shall it profit a man if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?" Let man cease to be brutish and become brotherly and he will need few restraining statutes.
If it is brutish to turn so-called legitimate business into grand larceny, what shall be said of those forms of money-making that deprave both parties to the transaction? The liquor traffic furnished the best ill.u.s.tration of the power of the dollar to blind the eyes of greedy men to the crime and misery produced by drink. The beneficiaries of this wicked business formerly included high church officials--and does yet in some countries--who swelled their incomes with the dividends collected from vice; they included also highly respected brewers and distillers as well as saloon-keepers of all degrees. The fact that the liquor traffic manufactured criminals, ruined men and women, produced poverty, disrupted families, lowered the standard of education, lessened attendance upon wors.h.i.+p and even afflicted little children before their birth, was not sufficient to deter people from engaging in it--even some calling themselves Christians. The handling of intoxicating drinks continued openly until these centers of pollution were closed by an emphatic expression of the nation's conscience.
Now, the fight is against the bootlegger and the smuggler. The man who peddles liquor, like the man who sells habit-forming drugs, is an outlaw and his trade is branded as an enemy of society. The sanction given to prohibition by the law brings to its support all who respect orderly government and reduces the enemies of prohibition to those whose fondness for drink, or for the profits obtainable from its illicit sale, is sufficient to overcome conscientious scruples and a sense of civic duty. Those who oppose prohibition now are shameless enough to become voluntary companions of the lawless members of society, but this number will constantly decrease as the virtue of the country a.s.serts itself at the polls in the election of officials who are in sympathy with the enforcement of the law.
The unrest which pervades the industrial world to-day also threatens the stability of government. The members of the Capitalistic group and the members of the Labour group are becoming more and more cla.s.s-conscious; they are solidifying as if they looked forward with a vague dread to what they regard as an inevitable cla.s.s conflict. The same plan, Universal Brotherhood, can reconcile all cla.s.s differences. Is there any other plan? Christ died for all--the employer as well as the employee; He is the friend of those who pay wages as well as of those who work for wages; the children of one cla.s.s are as dear to Him as the children of the other. His creed brings man into harmony with G.o.d and then teaches him to love his neighbour as himself. To put human rights before property rights--the man before the dollar, is simply to put the teachings of the Saviour into modern language and apply them to present-day conditions.
The whole code of morals of the Nazarene is a protest against the att.i.tude of antagonism between capital and labour. He pleads for sympathy and fellows.h.i.+p. Every worker should give to society the maximum of his productive power--but he cannot do this unless he is a willing worker. Every employer should give to society the maximum of his organizing and directing ability, but he cannot do it unless he is a satisfied employer. What plan but the plan of Christ can fill the world with _willing workers_ and _satisfied employers?_ Capitalism, supported by force, cannot save civilization; neither can government by any cla.s.s a.s.sure the justice that makes for permanence in government. Only brotherly love can make employers willing to pay fair compensation for work done and employees anxious to give fair work for their wages.
One of the first fruits of the spirit of brotherhood will be investigation before strike or lockout, just as our nation has provided for investigation before war. If these b.l.o.o.d.y conflicts cannot be entirely abolished to-day the civilized nations should at least know _why_ they are to shoot before they begin shooting. The world, too, should know. War is not a private affair; it disturbs the commerce of the world, obstructs the ocean's highways and kills innocent bystanders.
Neutral nations suffer as well as those at war. If peacefully inclined nations cannot avoid loss and suffering _after_ war is begun, they certainly have a right to demand information as to the nature and merits of the dispute _before_ any nation begins to "shoot up" civilization.
The strike and the lockout are to our industrial life what war is between nations, and the general public stands in much the same position as neutral nations. The number of those actually injured by a suspension of industry is often many times as great as the total number of employers and employees in that industry combined.
If, for instance, ninety-five per cent, of the people are asked to freeze while the mine owners and the mine workers (numbering possibly five per cent.) fight out their differences, have they not a right to demand information as to the merits of the dispute before the s.h.i.+vering begins? If the home builders are asked to suspend construction while the steel manufacturers and steel workers (but a small fraction of the population) go to war over the terms of employment, have they not a right to inquire why before they begin to move into tents? And so with disputes between railroads and their employees.
Compulsory _arbitration_ of _all_ disputes between labour and capital is as improbable as compulsory arbitration of _all_ disputes between nations, but the compulsory _investigation_ of all disputes (before lockout or strike) will come as soon as the Golden Rule--an expression of brotherhood--is adopted in industry. When each man loves his neighbour as himself all rights will be safeguarded--the rights of employees, the rights of employers and the rights of the public--that important third party that furnishes the profits for the employer and the wages for the employee.
Ambition has been a disturbing factor in government. The ambitions of monarchs have overthrown governments and enslaved races. In republics, the ambitions of aspirants for office have caused revolutions and corrupted politics. No form of government is immune to the evils that flow from ambition, or proof against those who plot for their own political advancement. For this evil, too, Christ has a remedy. He changes the point of view. It seems a simple thing, but behold the transformation! "Let him who would be chiefest among you be servant of all." He makes service the measure of greatness. This is one of the most important of the many great doctrines taught by the Saviour. It puts the accent on _giving_ instead of _getting_; it measures a life by the _outflow_ rather than by the _income_. Men had been in the habit of estimating their greatness by the amount of service they could coerce or buy; Christ taught them to measure their greatness by service rendered to others. A wonderful transformation will take place in this old world when all are animated by a desire to contribute to the public good rather than by an ambition to absorb as much as possible from society.
Brotherhood is easily established among those who "in honour prefer one another"--who are willing to hold office when they are needed, but as willing to serve under others as to command. It is impossible to overestimate the contribution that Christ has made to enduring government in suppressing unworthy ambition and in implanting high and enn.o.bling ideals.
War may be mentioned as the fourth foe of enduring government. It is the resultant of many forces. Love of money is probably more responsible for modern wars than any other one cause; commercial rivalries lead nations into injustice and unfair dealing.
Wars are sometimes waged to extend trade--the blood of many being shed to enrich a few. The supplying of battles.h.i.+ps and munitions is so profitable a business that wars are encouraged by some for the money they bring to certain cla.s.ses. Prejudices are aroused, jealousies are stirred up and hatreds are fanned into flame. Cla.s.s conflicts cause wars and selfish ambitions have often embroiled nations; in fact, war is like a boil, it indicates that there is poison in the blood. Christ is the great physician whose teachings purify the blood of the body politic and restore health.
In dealing with the subject of war we cannot ignore another great foundation principle of Christianity, namely, forgiveness. The war through which the world has recently pa.s.sed is not only without a parallel in the blood and treasure it has cost, but it was a typical war in that nearly every important war-producing cause contributed to the fierceness of the conflict. Personal ambition, trade rivalries, the greed of munition-makers, race hatreds and revenge--all played a part in the awful tragedy. Thirty millions of human lives were sacrificed; three hundred billion dollars' worth of property was destroyed; more than two hundred billion dollars of indebtedness was added to the burden that the world was already carrying. The paper currency of the nations was swollen from seven billions to fifty-six and the gold reserve dwindled from seventy per cent. to twelve.
And, oh, the pity! nearly every great nation engaged in the war was a Christian nation and every important branch of the Church was involved!
And this occurred nineteen hundred years after the birth of the Saviour, at whose coming the angels sang, "on earth, peace, good-will to men."
The world is weary of war. If blood is necessary for the remission of sins, enough has been spilled to atone for the wrong done by all who live upon the earth; if sorrow is necessary to repentance and reform, enough tears have been shed to wash away all the crimes of the past.