The Life of Joan of Arc Part 58

lvi, lvii. E. Cosneau, _Le connetable de Richemont_, pp. 114 _et seq._]

[Footnote 1363: Dom Plancher, _Histoire de Bourgogne_, vol. iv, proofs and ill.u.s.trations, p. lv.]

Bedford, as prudent as Gloucester was headstrong, made every effort to retain the great Duke in the English alliance; but the secret hatred he felt for the Burgundians burst forth occasionally in sudden acts of rage. Whether he planned the a.s.sa.s.sination of the Duke and the Duke knew it, is uncertain. But at any rate it is alleged that one day the courteous Bedford forgot himself so far as to say that Duke Philip might well go to England and drink more beer than was good for him.[1364] The Regent had just tactlessly offended him by refusing to let him take possession of the town of Orleans.[1365] Now Bedford was biting his fingers with rage. Regretting that he had refused the Duke the key to the Loire and the heart of France, he was at present eager to offer him the province of Champagne which the French were preparing to conquer: this was indeed just the time to present some rich gift to his powerful ally.[1366]

[Footnote 1364: De Barante, _Histoire des ducs de Bourgogne_, vol. v, p. 270. Desplanques, _Projet d'a.s.sa.s.sinat de Philippe le Bon par les Anglais_ (1424-1426), in _Les memoires couronnees par l'Academie de Bruxelles_, x.x.xiii (1867).]

[Footnote 1365: _Journal du siege_, p. 70. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 270. Morosini, vol. iii, pp. 20 _et seq._]

[Footnote 1366: Monstrelet, vol. iv, pp. 332, 333. De Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. ii, p. 36, note 7.]

Meanwhile the great Duke could think of nothing but the Low Countries.

Pope Martin had declared the marriage of the Countess Jacqueline and Gloucester to be invalid; and Gloucester was marrying another wife.

Now the Gargantua of Dijon could once more lay hands on the broad lands of the fair Jacqueline. He remained the ally of the English, intending to make use of them but not to play into their hands, and prepared, should he find it to his advantage, to make war on the French before being reconciled to them; he saw no harm in that. After the Low Countries what he cared most about were ladies and beautiful paintings, like those of the brothers Van Eyck. He would not be likely therefore to pay much attention to a letter from the Maid of the Armagnacs.[1367]

[Footnote 1367: Monstrelet, vol. iv, pp. 308-309. Quenson, _Notice sur Philippe le Bon, la Flandre et ses fetes_, Douai, 1840, in 8vo. De Reiffenberg, _Les enfants naturels du duc Philippe le Bon_, in _Bulletin de l'Academie de Bruxelles_, vol. xiii (1846).]

CHAPTER XVII

THE CONVENTION OF AUXERRE--FRIAR RICHARD--THE SURRENDER OF TROYES

On the 27th of June,[1368] the vanguard, commanded by Marshal de Boussac, the Sire de Rais, the Captains La Hire and Poton, set out from Gien in the direction of Montargis with the design of pressing on to Sens, which, so they had been wrongly informed, was deemed likely to open its gates to the Dauphin. But, at the news that the town had hoisted the flag of St. Andrew, as a sign of fidelity to the English and Burgundians, the army changed its route, so little did it desire to take towns by force. The march was now directed towards Auxerre, where a more favourable reception was expected.[1369] The Maid in her impatience had not waited for the King. She rode with the company which had started first. Had she been its leader she would not have turned from a town when its cannon were directed against her.

[Footnote 1368: According to Perceval de Cagny, p. 157; the 28th of June, according to Chartier, p. 90.]

[Footnote 1369: _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 286.]

The King set forth two days later, with the Princes of the Blood, many knights, the main battle, as it was called, and the Sire de la Tremouille, who commanded the expedition.[1370] All these troops arrived before Auxerre on the 1st of July.[1371] There on the hill-slope, encircled with vineyards and cornfields, rose the ramparts, towers, roofs, and belfries of the blessed Bishop Germain's city. That town towards which in the summer suns.h.i.+ne, in the company of gallant knighthood, she was now riding, fully armed like a handsome Saint Maurice, Jeanne had seen only three months before, under a dark and cloudy sky; then, clad like a stable-boy, in the company of two or three poor soldiers of fortune, she was travelling over a bad road, on her way to the Dauphin Charles.[1372]

[Footnote 1370: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 90. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, pp. 309, 310. Perceval de Cagny, p. 157. Morosini, vol. iii, pp. 142, 143.]

[Footnote 1371: _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 314. _Journal du siege_, pp. 108, 109. Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 330. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 92. Morosini, vol. iii, p. 142, note 2.]

[Footnote 1372: _Trial_, vol. i, pp. 54, 222.]

Since 1424 the County of Auxerre had belonged to the Duke of Burgundy, upon whom it had been bestowed by the Regent. The Duke governed it through a bailie and a captain.[1373]

[Footnote 1373: Abbe Lebeuf, _Histoire ecclesiastique et civile d'Auxerre_, vol. ii, p. 251; vol. iii, pp. 302, 506.]

The lord Bishop, Messire Jean de Corbie, formerly Bishop of Mende, was thought to be on the Dauphin's side.[1374] The Chapter of the Cathedral on the other hand held to Burgundy.[1375] Twelve jurors, elected by the burgesses and other townsfolk, administered the affairs of the city. One can easily imagine that fear must have been the dominant sentiment in their hearts when they saw the royal army approaching. Men-at-arms, no matter whether they wore the white cross or the red, inspired all town dwellers with a well-grounded terror.

And, in order to turn from their gates these violent and murderous thieves, the townsfolk were capable of resorting to the strongest measures, even to that of putting their hands in their purses.

[Footnote 1374: Chardon, _Histoire de la ville d'Auxerre_, Auxerre, 1834 (2 vols. in 8vo), vol. ii, p. 258.]

[Footnote 1375: Dom Plancher, _Histoire de Bourgogne_, vol. iv, p. 76.

Chardon, _Histoire de la ville d'Auxerre_, vol. ii, pp. 257 _et seq._ Vallet de Viriville, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. i, p. 383.]

The royal heralds summoned the people of Auxerre to receive the King as their natural and lawful lord. Such a summons, backed by lances, placed them in a very embarra.s.sing position. Alike by refusing and by consenting these good folk ran great risk. To transfer their allegiance was no light matter; their lives and their goods were involved. Foreseeing this danger, and conscious of their weakness, they had entered into a league with the cities of Champagne. The object of the league was to relieve its members from the burden of receiving men-at-arms and the peril of having two hostile masters.

Certain of the townsfolk therefore presented themselves before King Charles and promised him such submission as should be accorded by the towns of Troyes, Chalons, and Reims.[1376]

[Footnote 1376: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 90. _Journal du siege_, p. 108. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 313. Monstrelet, vol.

iv, p. 436. Abbe Lebeuf, _Histoire ecclesiastique d'Auxerre_, vol. ii, p. 51. Chardon, _Histoire de la ville d'Auxerre_, vol. ii, p. 259.]

This was not obedience, neither was it rebellion. Negotiations were begun; amba.s.sadors went from the town to the camp and from the camp to the town. Finally the confederates, who were not lacking in intelligence, proposed an acceptable compromise,--one that princes were constantly concluding with each other, to wit, a truce.

They said to the King: "We entreat and request you to pa.s.s on, and we ask you to agree to refrain from fighting." And, in order to secure their request being granted, they gave two thousand crowns to the Sire de la Tremouille, who, it is said, kept them without a blush.

Further, the townsfolk undertook to revictual the army in return for money down; and that was worth considering, for there was famine in the camp.[1377] This truce by no means pleased the men-at-arms, who thereby lost a fine opportunity for robbery and pillage. Murmurs arose; many lords and captains said that it would not be difficult to take the town, and that its capture should have been attempted. The Maid, who was always receiving promises of victory from her Voices, never ceased calling the soldiers to arms.[1378] Unaffected by any of these things, the King concluded the proposed truce; for he cared not by force of arms to obtain more than could be compa.s.sed by peaceful methods. Had he attacked the town he might have taken it and held it in his mercy; but it would have meant certain pillage, murder, burning, and ravis.h.i.+ng. On his heels would have come the Burgundians, and there would have been plundering, burning, ravis.h.i.+ng, ma.s.sacring over again. How many examples had there not been already of unhappy towns captured and then lost almost immediately, devastated by the French, devastated by the English and the Burgundians, when each citizen kept in his coffer a red cap and a white cap, which he wore in turns! Was there to be no end to these ma.s.sacres and abominations, resentment against which caused the Armagnacs to be cursed throughout l'ile de France, and which made it so hard for the lawful King to recover his town of Paris. The royal Council thought the time had come to put an end to these things. It was of opinion that Charles of Valois would the more easily reconquer his inheritance if, while manifesting his power, he showed himself lenient and exercised royal clemency, as in arms and yet pursuing peace, he continued his march to Reims.[1379]

[Footnote 1377: Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 90. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 313. Morosini, vol. iii, p. 149. Monstrelet, vol.

iv, p. 336. Gilles de Roye, in _Collection des chroniques belges_, pp.

206, 207. Chardon, _Histoire de la ville d'Auxerre_, vol. ii, p. 260.]

[Footnote 1378: "_De laquelle chose furent bien mal coutans aucuns seigneurs et cappitaines d'icellui ost et en parloient bien fort._"

Jean Chartier, vol. i, p. 91.]

[Footnote 1379: In the following manner this march is described by a contemporary: "On the said day (29th of June, 1429), after much discussion, the King set out and took his way for to go straight to the city of Troye in Champaigne, and, as he pa.s.sed, all the fortresses on the one hand and the other, rendered him allegiance." Perceval de Cagny, p. 157.]

After having spent three days under the walls of the town, the army being refreshed, crossed the Yonne and came to the town of Saint-Florentin, which straightway submitted to the King.[1380] On the 4th of July, they reached the village of Saint-Phal, four hours'

journey from Troyes.[1381]

[Footnote 1380: Jean Chartier, vol. i, p. 91.]

[Footnote 1381: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 287. Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 336. _Journal du siege_, p. 109. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 314. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 91. _Trial_, vol. v, pp. 264-265.]

In this strong town there was a garrison of between five and six hundred men at the most.[1382] A bailie, Messire Jean de Dinteville, two captains, the Sires de Rochefort and de Plancy, commanded in the town for King Henry and for the Duke of Burgundy.[1383] Troyes was a manufacturing town; the source of its wealth was the cloth manufacture. True, this industry had long been declining through compet.i.tion and the removal of markets; its ruin was being precipitated by the general poverty and the insecurity of the roads.

Nevertheless the cloth workers' guild maintained its importance and sent a number of magistrates to the Council.[1384]

[Footnote 1382: Jean Chartier, vol. i, p. 91.]

[Footnote 1383: Th. Boutiot, _Histoire de la ville de Troyes et de la Champagne meridionale_, Paris, 1872 (5 vols. in 8vo), vol. ii, p. 482.

For the members of this Council see the most ancient register of its deliberations by A. Roserot, in _Collection des doc.u.ments inedits relatifs a la ville de Troyes_ (1886).]

[Footnote 1384: F. Bourquelot, _Les foires de Champagne_, Paris, 1865, vol. i, p. 65. Louis Batiffol, _Jean Jouvenel, prevot des marchands_, Paris, 1894, in 8vo.]

In 1420, these merchants had sworn to the treaty which promised the French crown to the House of Lancaster; they were then at the mercy of English and Burgundians. For the holding of those great fairs, to which they took their cloth, they must needs live at peace with their Burgundian neighbours, and if the _G.o.dons_ had closed the ports of the Seine against their bales, they would have died of hunger. Wherefore the notables of the town had turned English, which did not mean that they would always remain English. Within the last few weeks great changes had taken place in the kingdom; and the Gilles Laiguises, the Hennequins, the Jouvenels did not pride themselves on remaining unchanged amidst vicissitudes of fortune which were transferring the power from one side to the other. The French victories gave them food for reflection. Along the banks of the streams, which wound through the city, there were weavers, dyers, curriers who were Burgundian at heart.[1385] As for the Churchmen, if they were thrilled by no love for the Armagnacs, they felt none the less that King Charles was sent to them by a special dispensation of divine providence.

[Footnote 1385: J. Rogier, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 292.]

The Bishop of Troyes was my lord Jean Laiguise, son of Master Huet Laiguise, one of the first to swear to the treaty of 1420.[1386] The Chapter had elected him without waiting for the permission of the Regent, who declared against the election, not that he disliked the new pontiff; Messire Jean Laiguise had sucked hatred of the Armagnacs and respect for the Rose of Lancaster from his _alma mater_ of Paris.

But my Lord of Bedford could not forgive any slighting of his sovereign rights.

[Footnote 1386: _Gallia Christiana_, vol. xiii, cols. 514-516.

Courtalon-Delaistre, _Topographie historique du diocese de Troyes_ (Troyes, 1783, 3 vols. in 8vo), vol. i, p. 384. Th. Boutiot, _Histoire de la ville de Troyes_, vol. ii, pp. 477, 478. De Pange, _Le pays de Jeanne d'Arc, le fief et l'arriere-fief_, Paris, 1902, in 8vo, p. 33.]

Shortly afterwards he incurred the censure of the whole Church of France and was judged by the bishops worse than the cruellest tyrants of Scripture--Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezzar, Artaxerxes[1387]--who, when they chastised Israel had spared the Levites. More wicked than they and more sacrilegious, my Lord of Bedford threatened the privileges of the Gallican Church, when, on behalf of the Holy See, he robbed the bishops of their patronage, levied a double t.i.the on the French clergy, and commanded churchmen to surrender to him the contributions they had been receiving for forty years. That he was acting with the Pope's consent made his conduct none the less execrable in the eyes of the French bishops. The episcopal lords resolved to appeal from a Pope ill informed to one with wider knowledge; for they held the authority of the Bishop of Rome to be insignificant in comparison with the authority of the Council. They groaned: the abomination of desolation was laying waste Christian Gaul. In order to pacify the Church of France thus roused against him, my lord of Bedford convoked at Paris the bishops of the ecclesiastical province of Sens, which included the dioceses of Paris, Troyes, Auxerre, Nevers, Meaux, Chartres, and Orleans.[1388]