The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead Volume Ii Part 35

The Marquesans built canoes of various sizes, the smaller for fis.h.i.+ng, the larger for war. These latter might be from forty to fifty feet long.

They were fitted with outriggers. The prow had an ornamental projection rudely carved to represent the head of an animal. Sometimes the prows of war canoes were decorated with the skulls of slaughtered enemies. But in general the Marquesans appear to have been inferior to the other South Sea islanders in the arts of canoe-building and navigation.[36] This inferiority may perhaps have been partly due to the absence of those lagoons which, formed by coral reefs, elsewhere enabled the natives to acquire confidence and skill in sailing on smooth and sheltered waters.

The same cause may also, perhaps, explain why fis.h.i.+ng was comparatively little practised by the Marquesans. We are told that as an occupation it was despised by such as owned a piece of land of any extent, and that only the poorer cla.s.s of people, who depended on the sea for a livelihood, addicted themselves to it. They caught fish by means both of nets and of lines with hooks neatly made of mother-of-pearl; also they stupefied the fish by a certain mashed root, which the fisherman distributed in the water by diving, and then caught the fish as they rose to the surface.[37]

[36] J. Cook, _Voyages_, iii. 287; Krusenstern, _op. cit._ i.

163 _sq._; Langsdorff, _op. cit._ i. 150; Porter, _op. cit._, ii. 12-14; Bennett, _op. cit._ i. 338; Vincendon-Dumoulin et C.

Desgraz, _op. cit._ pp. 280-282.

[37] Krusenstern, _op. cit._ i. 163.

-- 4. _Polyandry, Adoption, Exchange of Names_

The social life of the Marquesan islanders presented some peculiar features. Thus they are said to have practised the rare custom of polyandry. On this subject Stewart observes: "We have yet met with no instance, in any rank of society, of a male with two wives, but are informed that for one woman to have two husbands is a universal habit.

Some favourite in the father's household or retinue at an early period becomes the husband of the daughter, who still remains under the paternal roof till contracted in marriage to a second individual, on which she removes with her first husband to his habitation, and both herself and original companion are supported by him."[38] Melville describes the custom in substantially the same way, and adds, "No man has more than one wife, and no wife of mature years has less than two husbands,--sometimes she has three, but such instances are not frequent." He seems to have attributed the practice to a scarcity of women; for he tells us that "the males considerably outnumber the females."[39] The same view was taken at a later date by Dr. Clavel, who observes: "In the islands where the women are in a minority we may to this day observe tolerably numerous cases of polyandry. Thus at Ua-Una I met some women who had each two husbands, almost always one of them young and the other old. Such households of three are not worse than the rest and never give rise to intestine dissensions."[40] According to Radiguet, the right of having more husbands than one was not general and hardly belonged to any but chieftainesses,[41] but this limitation is denied by a good authority.[42] The Russian navigator Lisiansky, who visited the Marquesas in 1804, seems to have supposed that the custom was restricted to wealthy families. He says: "In rich families, every woman has two husbands; of whom one may be called the a.s.sistant husband.

This last, when the other is at home, is nothing more than the head servant of the house; but, in case of absence, exercises all the rights of matrimony, and is also obliged to attend his lady wherever she goes.

It happens sometimes, that the subordinate partner is chosen after marriage; but in general two men present themselves to the same woman, who, if she approves their addresses, appoints one for the real husband, and the other as his auxiliary: the auxiliary is generally poor, but handsome and well-made."[43]

[38] C. S. Stewart, _op. cit._ i. 317.

[39] Melville, _Typee_, pp. 203 _sq._

[40] Clavel, _op. cit._ p. 60.

[41] Radiguet, _op. cit._ 173.

[42] Mathias G----, _op. cit._ p. 111.

[43] Lisiansky, _op. cit._ p. 83. As to polyandry in the Marquesas, see further E. Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_, Fifth Edition (London, 1921), iii. 146 _sqq._

Another peculiar habit of the Marquesans was to give away their children to be adopted by other people soon after their birth. When a woman was pregnant, she and her husband would discuss to whom they should give the child that was about to be born. They received offers from neighbours, and often knocked down the infant to the highest bidder; for the adopting parents regularly made presents to the child's family, consisting of cloth, tools, and pigs, according to the fortune of the contracting parties. After birth the child remained with its mother for some months till it was weaned, upon which it was sent away to its parents by adoption, who might inhabit a different district and even a different island. It is said to have been exceptional for parents to bring up their own offspring.[44]

[44] Eyriaud des Vergnes, _op. cit._ pp. 19 _sq._; Clavel, _op.

cit._ pp. 56, 61 _sq._

Another mode by which the Marquesans created artificial relations.h.i.+ps was the exchange of names. Such an exchange was equivalent to a ratification of amity and good-will between the persons, who thereby acquired a claim to mutual protection and the enjoyment of each other's property and even of their wives, if they happened to be married men.

The custom was not limited to the natives; they readily exchanged names with Europeans and granted them the privileges which flowed from the pact. It is even said that some natives gave their own names to animals, which thenceforth became sacred for them and for the rest of the tribe.

This led to so many inconveniences that the priests had to forbid the practice of exchanging names with animals.[45]

[45] Radiguet, _op. cit._ pp. 16 _sq._, 158 _sq._; Clavel, _op.

cit._ pp. 61 _sq._

-- 5. _Amus.e.m.e.nts, Dancing-places, Banqueting-halls_

A favourite amus.e.m.e.nt of the islanders was racing or combating on stilts. A stilt was composed of two pieces, a pole of light wood which the runner held in his hand, and a step or foot-rest of hard wood, on which he planted one of his feet. The step or foot-rest was often adorned with human figures curiously carved, which are said to have represented G.o.ds. The races or combats took place on the paved areas which were to be seen in most villages, and which formed the scene of public entertainments. In these contests each runner or combatant tried to get in the way of his adversary, and, balancing himself on one stilt, to strike his rival with the other, so as to bring him to the ground amid the laughter and jeers of the spectators. It has sometimes been supposed that the use of stilts in the Marquesas originated in the practical purpose of enabling people to cross a stream without wetting their feet. But the supposition is highly improbable. For, on the one hand, the streams in the islands are mere rivulets, which dry up for the greater part of the year; and, on the other hand, the natives are almost amphibious, often spending whole days in the water, and swimming for hours without fatigue. Hence it is absurd to imagine that they invented stilts simply to keep their feet dry at crossing a shallow stream.[46]

[46] Fleurieu, _op. cit._ i. 119 _sq._, 124; Langsdorff, _op.

cit._ i. 146; Porter, _op. cit._ ii. 124-126; Vincendon-Dumoulin et C. Desgraz, _op. cit._ p. 284; Mathias G----, _op. cit._ p.

96. As for the ability of the natives to swim in the sea for hours without fatigue, compare J. Wilson, _Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean_, p. 129.

But perhaps the most popular recreation of the Marquesans was dancing and singing, which formed a leading feature of their festivals. Every inhabited district had its dancing-place, a sort of public square, where places were set apart for the use of the performers, the musicians, and the spectators. These have been described by the missionary, C. S.

Stewart, from personal observation. He says, "Our walk terminated at what may be called the _theatre_ or _opera house_ of the settlement, a large rectangular platform of stone pavement, surrounded by low terraces also laid with stone; the first designed for the public exhibitions of the song and the dance, and the last for the accommodation of the spectators who a.s.semble to witness the performance. Entertainments of this kind are the most fas.h.i.+onable and favourite amus.e.m.e.nts at the Was.h.i.+ngton and the Marquesan groups. Every inhabited district has its _Tahua_, or public square of this kind; some of them so extensive, it is said, as to be capable of accommodating ten thousand people."[47] Again, speaking of another of these dancing-places, the same writer observes, "This _Tahua_, or theatre, is a structure altogether superior to that visited by us yesterday, and so ma.s.sive and well built as to be capable of enduring for ages. It is a regular oblong square, about sixty feet in length and forty broad. The outer wall consists of immense stones, or slabs of rock, three feet high, and many of them four or six feet long, joined closely together and hewn with a regularity and neatness truly astonis.h.i.+ng, in view of the rude implements by which it must have been accomplished. On a level with the top of this outer wall, a pavement of large flat stones, several feet in width, extends entirely round, forming seats for the chiefs, warriors, and other persons of distinction, and singers performing the recitatives and choruses accompanying the dance. Within this, and some inches lower, is another pavement still wider, having large flat-topped stones fixed in it at regular intervals of six or eight feet, used as seats by the beaters on the drums, and other rude instruments of music, and immediately within this again, an unpaved area, some twenty feet long by twelve broad, const.i.tuting the stage on which the dancers exhibit their skill."[48]

[47] C. S. Stewart, _op. cit._ i. 214 _sq._

[48] C. S. Stewart, _op. cit._ i. 233 _sq._ Compare Vincendon-Dumoulin et C. Desgraz, _op. cit._ pp. 265 _sq._

Some of these dancing-places appear to have been much larger than those seen by Stewart. According to Langsdorff they were sometimes not less than a hundred fathoms in length, and the great smooth pavement consisted of blocks of stone, several feet broad, laid so neatly and so close together that you might have imagined it to be the work of European master-masons.[49] Radiguet describes one such dancing-place as a rectangular area eighty metres (about two hundred and sixty feet) long by thirty metres (about one hundred feet) broad, and surrounded by a terrace paved with stone, on which the spectators were seated.[50]

[49] Langsdorff, _op. cit._ i. 138.

[50] Radiguet, _op. cit._ p. 195.

The festivals (_koikas_) celebrated at these places were either periodical or occasional. Among the periodical perhaps the most important was that held at the ingathering of the bread-fruit harvest in February and March. Among the occasional were those held after a successful fis.h.i.+ng, at the ratification of peace, and after the death of a priest or chief, who had been raised to the rank of a deity. A messenger decked in all the native finery repaired to the surrounding villages inviting the inhabitants to attend the festival. Immense numbers of hogs were killed and huge troughs filled with bread-fruit were provided by the hosts for the banquet. The festivals were attended not only by the people of the particular valley in which they were held, but by the inhabitants of other valleys and even of other islands; for so long as a festival lasted, a special taboo forbade the natives to harm the strangers in their midst. A general truce was observed; members of hostile tribes came to share the pleasures of the festival with the foes whom they had recently fought, and whom they would fight again in a few days.[51] Yet such visitors were careful to observe certain precautions: they never came unarmed, and they always kept together on one side of the festival ground, in order that they might rally the more easily for mutual defence, if they should be suddenly attacked.[52]

[51] C. S. Stewart, _op. cit._ i. 236 _sq._; F. D. Bennett, _op.

cit._ i. 318; Vincendon-Dumoulin et C. Desgraz, _op. cit._ pp.

264 _sq._; Mathias G----, _op. cit._ pp. 69 _sqq._; Radiguet, _op. cit._ pp. 192 _sq._

[52] Langsdorff, _op. cit._ i. 138.

The performers who sang and danced at these festivals for the entertainment of the public were called _Hokis_ or _Kaioas_: they are described as a sort of wandering troubadours or minstrels, who went from tribe to tribe, seeking their fortune. They took great care of their persons, which they artificially whitened. At once poets, musicians, and dancers, they nevertheless did not enjoy the public esteem; on the contrary, their effeminate habits incurred the contempt of a people who had small taste for the fine arts.[53] Thus these wandering minstrels and mountebanks would seem to have corresponded to the Areois of the Society Islands.[54] The dances were accompanied by the beating of drums and the songs of a chorus, it might be of a hundred and fifty singers, who sat on the upper platform along with the chiefs and warriors.

Sometimes in the intervals between the dances a choir of women, seated on an adjoining and elevated platform, would chant in dull monotonous tones, clapping their hands loudly in unison with their song. The subjects of the songs were various and were often furnished by some pa.s.sing event, such as the arrival of a s.h.i.+p or any less novel incident.

Not unfrequently, like ballads in our own country, the songs caught the popular fancy and became fas.h.i.+onable, being sung in private by all cla.s.ses of society. So pa.s.sionately addicted were the Marquesans to these entertainments that they undertook the longest and most fatiguing journeys from all parts of the island in order to be present at them, carrying their food and suffering great hards.h.i.+ps by the way; they even came in their crazy canoes, at the hazard of their lives, from other islands, and accepted the risk of being knocked on the head at one of the brawls with which such gatherings usually ended.[55]

[53] Vincendon-Dumoulin et C. Desgraz, _op. cit._ p. 231.

Compare C. S. Stewart, _op. cit._ i. 237, who calls the performers _Kaioi_.

[54] See above, pp. 259 _sqq._

[55] C. S. Stewart, _op. cit._ i. 234, 236, 237.

Closely connected with the festivals were the banqueting-halls, as they may be called. These were houses, or rather sheds, thatched with leaves and open in front, where the lower end of the sloping roof was supported on short wooden pillars, of which the upper parts were rudely carved in the likeness of the G.o.d Tiki, thus forming a sort of Caryatids. These sheds varied in length from thirty to sixty and even two hundred feet in length. They stood on quadrangular stone platforms of the usual type, ranging from three or four to six, eight, twelve, and even fifteen feet in height. The blocks of stone put together to form the platforms were sometimes enormous, many of them measuring eight feet long by four feet thick and wide; and they were hewn and polished into such perfect form as to excite the wonder of the European beholder, who reflected with astonishment on the vast labour requisite to bring these huge rocks from the sea and to chisel them into shape without the help of iron tools.

Access to the platforms was afforded by sloping trunks of trees notched into steps. In these open sheds the men feasted and prayed. Before each repast it was customary to offer to the deity a small portion of food wrapt in leaves. Sometimes the priests would thrust the morsels into the mouths of Tiki's grotesque images. No woman might enter these banqueting-halls or mount the platforms on which they stood. The place was strictly tabooed to them, and the taboo was signified in the usual way by long pennants of white cloth attached to the posts of the house.[56]

[56] Porter, _op. cit._ ii. 38 _sq._; F. D. Bennett, _op. cit._ i. 317 _sq._; Mathias G----, _op. cit._ pp. 54-56; Melville, _Typee_ pp. 93-95. Of these writers it is Porter who gives the dimensions of some of the blocks of stone composing the platforms and expresses his amazement at the labour involved in their construction. He concludes his description as follows (ii.

39): "When we count the immense numbers of such places, which are everywhere to be met with, our astonishment is raised to the highest, that a people in a state of nature, una.s.sisted by any of those artificial means, which so much a.s.sist and facilitate the labour of the civilized man, could have conceived and executed a work, which, to every beholder, must appear stupendous. These piles are raised with views to magnificence alone; there does not appear to be the slightest utility attending them: the houses situated on them are unoccupied, except during the period of feasting, and they appear to belong to a public, without the whole efforts of which they could not have been raised, and with every exertion that could possibly have been made, years must have been requisite for the completion of them." Of one of these structures seen by him in the anterior of Nukahiva, Stewart observes, "The stones, bearing marks of antiquity that threw the air of an old family mansion around the whole, were regularly hewn and joined with the greatest nicety, many which I measured being from four to six feet in length, nearly as wide, and two or more deep" (_Visit to the South Seas_, i. 267 _sq._).

-- 6. _Social Ranks, Taboo_

Socially the Marquesans were divided into chiefs or n.o.bles and commoners; but the chiefs seem to have possessed very little authority, and to have received few outward marks of deference and respect. A monarchical government in any proper sense of the word was unknown.[57]

The power of the chiefs, such as it was, rested mainly on their superior wealth, particularly on their landed property; for the larger their estates, the greater the number of the tenants whose services they could command. Hence the government has been called aristocratic and compared to the feudal system.[58] In a fruitful season the chiefs had a right to a fourth part of the produce, and in other seasons a share according to circ.u.mstances. Their dignity was hereditary.[59] There was no general government of the archipelago as a whole. Each island was quite independent of all the rest; and in every island there were several independent tribes, which were generally at war with each other.[60]

[57] Krusenstern, _op. cit._ i. 165; Langsdorff, i. 112 _sq._; Fleurieu, _op. cit._ i. 132-134; Porter, _op. cit._ ii. 64; Melville, _Typee_, p. 199; Vincendon-Dumoulin et C. Desgraz, _op. cit._ p. 225; Eyriaud des Vergnes, _op. cit._ pp. 24 _sq._

[58] Mathias G----, _op. cit._ 101 _sq._