Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromartie, Knight Part 11

"_For Greke of Athenes was to him unknowe._"

Probably in this northern dialect of the Greek tongue a???? was used instead of the more cla.s.sical ???s??. Another indication of the difference between the Cromartian and Attic forms of speech is given by Sir Thomas in the same treatise in the name ??e???d??, which Thucydides would have written ????a?d???.

[201] Sir Egerton Brydges, Bart., an author who combines a great many of the peculiarities of the two Sir Thomas Urquharts, the father and the son, and who has recorded his experiences in an _Autobiography_, lays stress in like manner upon this quality of speed in composition. Thus he says of his little novel, _Mary de Clifford_ (published in 1792), "it was written with a fervent rapidity, which no one seems to believe;--begun in October, 1791, and the sheets sent to the press by the post, as fast as they were scribbled." The pa.s.sage in which he refers to the vexations to which he had been subjected is worth quoting, on account of its similarity to our Sir Thomas's story. "I have suffered," he says, "a hundred times more disappointments, and crosses, and insults, and wrongs, and deprivations, than Chatterton, yet my spirit, though bent and sunk, was never broken. I am calm and defiant, though not hopeful, in proportion as the storm presses me;--and what trials have I not undergone? I do not mean to relate all these trials; it would involve the conduct of obscure individuals, many of whom are still living" (_Autobiography_, pp. 8, 9).

[202] _Works_, p. 181.

[203] _I.e._ at such an extremity liable to be forfeited to the victorious soldier.

[204] _Works_, pp. 189, 190.

[205] Appendix II. p. 215.

[206] "This part is written in a euphuistic, rhapsodical vein, and affords an indication of the saturation of Urquhart's mind with the style of Rabelais. It might almost be pieced together from the meeting of Pantagruel with the Limousin scholar, the discomfiture of Thaumast by Panurge, and the meeting of Pantegruel and his party with Queen Entelechia" (W. F. Smith's Introduction to _Rabelais_).

[207] Dr Kippis, the editor of the _Biographia Britannica, or Lives of the Most Eminent Persons who have Flourished in Great Britain and Ireland_ (1789), had a bad time in writing the notice of Crichton that appears in it. He says that he entered upon the task with diffidence, and even with anxiety. On the one hand, he was desirous not to detract from Crichton's real merit, and, on the other, he wished to form a just estimate of the truth of the facts which are recorded concerning him.

Part of his perturbation of mind was due to the indignation which he felt towards our author, whose narrative of Crichton's adventures he regarded as utterly untrustworthy. At an early stage in the article he remarks: "And here it must be observed that no credit can be granted to any facts which depend upon the sole authority of Sir Thomas Urquhart.... I must declare my full persuasion that Sir Thomas Urquhart is an author whose testimony to facts is totally unworthy of regard; and it is surprising that a perusal of his works does not strike every mind with this conviction. His productions are so inexpressibly absurd and extravagant, that the only rational judgment which can be p.r.o.nounced concerning him is, that he was little, if at all, better than a madman.

To the character of his having been a madman must be added that of his being a liar. Severe as this term may be thought, I apprehend that a diligent examination of the treatise which contains the memorials concerning Crichton would show that it is strictly true." The censure uttered by Dr Kippis _is_ very severe, but some excuse for him is easily found. He was anxious to make his dictionary of biography a mine of facts on which the public could rely with absolute confidence; and he saw before him the danger of quoting as an authority a writer like Urquhart, who so palpably elongated facts and embroidered them with fancies. His opinion with regard to the _Pedigree_ of the Urquharts is given on p. 144.

[208] _The Scot Abroad_, p. 256. In the _Adventurer_, No. 81, Dr Johnson has reproduced Sir Thomas Urquhart's narrative of the career of Crichton, but has toned down its glowing colours.

[209] The reader will remember that this simply meant the "Wonderful Crichton"--this use of the word "admire" being now archaic.

[210] The pa.s.sage in Rabelais is as follows:--"Pantagruel ... would one day make trial of his knowledge. Thereupon in all the Carrefours, that is, throughout all the foure quarters, streets and corners of the city, he set up Conclusions to the number of nine thousand seven hundred sixty and foure,[A] in all manner of learning, touching in them the hardest doubts that are in any science. And first of all, in the Fodder-street[B] he held disputes against all the Regents or Fellowes of Colledges, Artists or Masters of Arts, and Oratours, and did so gallantly, that he overthrew them, and set them all upon their tailes.

He went afterwards to the Sorboune, where he maintained argument against all the Theologians or Divines, for the s.p.a.ce of six weeks, from foure a clock in the morning until six in the evening, except an interval of two houres to refresh themselves, and take their repast. And at this were present the greatest part of the Lords of the Court, the Masters of Requests, Presidents, Counsellors, those of the Accompts, Secretaries, Advocates, and others: as also the Sheriffes of the said town, with the Physicians and Professors of the Canon-Law. Amongst which it is to be remarked, that the greatest part were stubborn jades, and in their opinions obstinate; but he took such course with them, that, for all their ergo's and fallacies, he put their backs to the wall, gravelled them in the deepest questions, and made it visibly appear to the world, that, compared to him, they were but monkies, and a knot of mufled calves. Whereupon everybody began to keep a bustling noise, and talk of his so marvellous knowledge, through all degrees of persons in both s.e.xes, even to the very laundresses, brokers, rostmeat-sellers, penknife-makers, and others, who, when he past along in the street, would say, This is he! in which he took delight, as Demosthenes the prince of Greek oratours did when an old crouching wife, pointing at him with her fingers, said, That is the man"[C] (ii. chap. 10).

[A] Pico della Mirandola in the winter of 1486-87 offered to maintain at Rome 900 theses _de omni scitili_ (W. F. S.).

[B] _Rue de la Feurre_ (near the Place Maubert) was the street in Paris where the poorer students used to lodge. It got its name because straw served them for beds and furniture. Dante says in _Par._ x. 137:

"Essa e la luce eterua di Sigieri, Che, leggendo nel vico degli strami, Sillogizzo invidiosi veri."

(_Ibid._)

[C] Cf. "At pulchrum est, digito monstrari, et dicier: Hic est" (_Pers._ i. 28). (_Ibid._)

[211] He says in reference to the whole history of Crichton: "The verity of this story I have here related, concerning this incomparable Crichton, may be certified by above two thousand men yet living, who have known him" (_Works_, p. 244). There can scarcely have been so many, unless centenarians were much commoner then than now.

[212] "Thou didst swear to me upon a parcel-gilt goblet, sitting in my Dolphin-chamber, at the round table, by a sea-coal fire, upon Wednesday in Wheeson week, when the prince broke thy head for liking his father to a singing-man of Windsor; thou didst swear to me then, as I was was.h.i.+ng thy wound, to marry me and make me my lady thy wife. Canst thou deny it?

Did not good-wife Keech, the butcher's wife, come in then and call me gossip Quickly? coming in to borrow a mess of vinegar; telling us she had a good dish of prawns; whereby thou didst desire to eat some; whereby I told thee they were ill for a green wound! And didst thou not, when she was gone down stairs, desire me to be no more so familiarity with such poor people; saying that ere long they should call me madam?

And didst thou not kiss me, and bid me fetch thee thirty s.h.i.+llings? I put thee now to thy book-oath: deny it, if thou canst" (_2 Henry IV._ II. i.).

[213] _Works_, p. 234.

[214] _Ibid._ p. 243.

[215] The italics are ours.

[216] _Works_, p. 224. At one of Charles Lamb's Wednesday evenings in Mitre Court Building, Hazlitt tells us, "the name of the Admirable Crichton was suddenly started as a splendid example of _waste_ talents, so different from the generality of his countrymen." A North Briton present declared himself descended from that prodigy of learning and accomplishment, and said he had family plate in his possession as vouchers for the fact, with the initials engraved upon them of A.

C.--"Admirable Crichton!" A phrenological report upon this gentleman by Charles Lamb would have enlarged "the public stock of harmless pleasure."

[217] _Works_, p. 277. The charity which "believeth all things and hopeth all things," or the credulity which persuades itself of the truth of the things which it wishes to believe, is manifest in Sir Thomas Urquhart's estimate of the character of Charles II. Less charitable or more impartial critics are probably inclined to the opinion that the existence in that sovereign of a number of the above-mentioned virtues was as mythical as that of a good many of his "hundred and ten predecessors." So far as "comeliness" is concerned, Charles II. at a later period had a much humbler view of the matter than Sir Thomas here expresses. For he complained that when they wished to represent a villain on the stage they made up a figure somewhat like himself. See Cibber's _Apology_, p. 111.

[218] _Works_, p. 212.

[219] His unhappy prejudices against the Presbyterian clergy are irrepressible, for immediately after suggesting "a standing library in custody of the minister of the parish," he adds, "with this proviso, that none of the books should be embezeled by him or any of his successors" (_Works_, p. 282).

[220] We have reason to be thankful to Sir Thomas for his kindness in refraining from the style of composition which he here indicates, for we can scarcely credit his a.s.surance that the results would have been less terrifying than the description of the processes by which they would have been reached. There is no need for an apology, for he has really done pretty well as it is. Mr Ruskin had once a vision of ten thousand school-inspectors a.s.sembled on Cader Idris. What horror would seize such a company, if they were treated as a cla.s.s in elementary English, and the above pa.s.sage were read out as an exercise in dictation! Nay, it is to be feared that even the more august a.s.sembly in Dover House, the Lords of Education themselves, would be panic-stricken at such a task.

Only Macaulay's "schoolboy" would probably be found to enter upon it with unblenched countenance, and to accomplish it successfully.

[221] This reminds us of Bottom the weaver. "I will roar that I will do any man's heart good to hear me.... [Yet not to frighten the ladies.] I will aggravate my voice so that I will roar you as gently as any sucking dove: I will roar you an 'twere any nightingale" (_Midsummer-Night's Dream_, I. ii.).

[222] _Works_, pp. 292, 293.

[223] _Logopandecteision_, or an INTRODUCTION to the UNIVERSAL LANGUAGE.

Digested into these Six several Books, Neaudethaumata, Chrestasebeia, Cleronomaporia, Chryseomystes, Neleodicastes, and Philoponauxesis. By Sir Thomas Urquhart of _Cromartie_, Knight. Now lately contrived and published, both for his own utilie, and that of all pregnant and ingenious Spirits. _Credere quaerenti nonne haic justissima res est? Qui non plura cupit, quam ratio ipsa jubet._ _Englished thus_, To grant him his demands, were it not just? Who craves no more, then [than] reason says he must. _London._ Printed, and are to be sold by _Giles Calvert_ at the _Black Spread Eagle_ at the west-end of _Pauls_; and by _Richard Tomlins_ at the Sun and Bible near Pye-corner. 1653.

[224] Eleven genders seem nine more than are necessary, and the use of such a large number suggests to one that in Sir Thomas's Universal Language the distinctions in question were to receive an undue amount of attention. At the same time, fault has been found with our English language for being somewhat defective in accentuating these distinctions; and an attempt to correct this shortcoming, to a certain extent, has been made by Southey in _The Doctor_. He proposed to anglicise the orthography of the female garment, "which is indeed the sister to the s.h.i.+rt," and then to utilise the hint offered in its new form: thus _Hemise_ and _Shemise_. In letter-writing every person knows that male and female letters have a distinct character; they should therefore, he thought, be generally distinguished thus, _Hepistle_ and _Shepistle_. And as there is the same marked difference in the writing of the two s.e.xes, he proposed _Penmans.h.i.+p_ and _Penwomans.h.i.+p_. Erroneous opinions in religion being promulgated in this country by women as well as men, the teachers of such false doctrine may be divided into _Heresiarchs_ and _Sheresiarchs_, so that we should speak of the _Heresy_ of the Quakers and the _Sheresy_ of Joanna Southcote's people.

The troublesome affection of the diaphragm, which every one has experienced, is, upon the same principle, to be called, according to the s.e.x of the patient, _Hecups_, or _Shecups_, which, upon the principle of making our language truly British, is better than the more cla.s.sical form of _Hiccups_ and _Haecups_. In its objective use the word becomes Hiscups or Hercups; and in like manner Histerics should be altered into Herterics, the complaint never being masculine. It is perhaps a little surprising that this suggestion should have lain before the British public for half a century, and have been left unutilised.

[225] _Works_, pp. 316-318.

[226] _Works_, pp. 316-318.

[227] _Ibid._ p. 332.

[228] _Scenes and Legends_, chap. vii.

[229] A somewhat similar project was described in the Marquis of Worcester's _Century of the Names and Scantling of ... Inventions_ (1663), in which the steam-engine is antic.i.p.ated. The pa.s.sage is as follows:--"32. How to compose an universal character, methodical, and easie to be written, yet intelligible in any language; so that if an Englishman write it in English, a Frenchman, Italian, Spaniard, Irish, Welsh, being scholars, yea, Grecian or Hebritian, shall as perfectly understand it in their owne Tongue, as if they were perfect English, distinguis.h.i.+ng the Verbs from the Nouns, the Numbers, Tenses, Cases as properly expressed in their own Language as it was written in English."

A writer in _Blackwood's Magazine_ in 1820 affirms that he has good reasons for believing that the above volume was really by Sir Thomas Urquhart, and was dishonestly put forth as the work of the Marquis of Worcester. He does not give us any of his reasons. The style of the little volume bears no resemblance to that of our author, and this fact is of itself almost conclusive proof that Sir Thomas Urquhart had nothing to do with it. The Scottish knight could scarcely open his lips without revealing his ident.i.ty. It is rather difficult to believe, too, that a ma.n.u.script lost by Sir Thomas in the streets of Worcester should have been picked up by the Marquis of Worcester. The coincidence would be a very extraordinary one.

[230] Hear Heine's angry allusions to his early scholastic experiences, in which he suggests another and less honourable origin of the Greek tongue: "Vom Griechischen will ich gar nicht sprechen--ich argere mich sonst zu viel. Die Monche im Mittelalter hatten so ganz Unrecht nicht, wenn sie behaupteten, da.s.s das Griechische eine Erfindung des Teufels sei" (_Das Buch Le Grand_, vii.).

[231] Sanskrit, Old Persian, Lithuanian, and old Slavonic have the dual both in declension and conjugation, and in the first of these it is used much more frequently than in Greek. Faint traces of it in declension are to be found in Teutonic speech, though in conjugation it is only in the Gothic that the dual is used. In old Gaelic the dual is a regular feature of declension, but not of conjugation.

CHAPTER VII

TRANSLATION OF RABELAIS

The foundation on which Sir Thomas Urquhart's literary fame securely rests is his translation into English of the first three books of the works of Rabelais. Of these the first and second appeared in two separate volumes in the year 1653--exactly a century after the death of the great French satirist--and the third was published by Pierre Antoine Motteux in 1693, long after Sir Thomas's own death.[232]

The difficulty, singularity, and obscurity of the writings of Rabelais had probably been hindrances in the way of their being presented to the English public in their own tongue; for, though the register of the Stationers' Company preserves a record of two attempts at translation, these seem to have been but fragmentary, and to have dropped still-born from the press. The works themselves are not known to be extant, and nothing more than the bare name of them survives.

The difficulties which lie in the way of the ordinary reader who wishes to become acquainted with the works of Rabelais are very considerable.[233] The fantastical style of the satirist, his countless allusions to contemporary persons and events, his out-of-the-way learning, the care with which he conceals at such length the seriousness of his purpose, and the incredible grossness of manners which so often disfigures his pages, are obstacles which can with difficulty be surmounted. The last-mentioned characteristic is, indeed, a grave and ingrained fault, which must for ever be a slur upon the writer's fame.

Yet we may say of him what Don Pedro says of Bened.i.c.k, "The man doth fear G.o.d howsoever it seems not in him by some large jests he will make"; or what Mrs Blower in _St Ronan's Well_ says of her deceased husband, "He was a merry man, but he had the root of the matter in him for a' his light way of speaking." Coleridge--"the brother," according to Mr Birrell, "whose praise is throughout all the churches"--speaks of Rabelais in very high terms indeed; "Beyond a doubt," he says, "he was among the deepest, as well as boldest thinkers of his age. His buffoonery was not merely Brutus' rough stick, which contained a rod of gold: it was necessary as an amulet against the monks and legates.[234]