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The Bontoc Igorot Part 28

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Lu-ma'-wig at times exhibited his marvelous powers. They say he could take a small chicken, feed it a few grains of rice, and in an hour it would be full grown. He could fill a basket with rice in a very few moments, simply by putting in a handful of kernels. He could cut a stick of wood in the mountains, and with one hand toss it to his dwelling in the pueblo. Once when out in I-s.h.i.+l' Mountains northeast of Bontoc, Fa-tang'-a, the brother-in-law of Lu-ma'-wig, said to him, "Oh, you of no value! Here we are without water to drink. Why do you not give us water?" Lu-ma'-wig said nothing, but he turned and thrust his spear in the side of the mountain. As he withdrew the weapon a small stream of water issued from the opening. Fa-tang'-a started to drink, but Lu-ma'-wig said, "Wait; the others first; you last." When it came Fa-tang'-a's turn to drink, Lu-ma'-wig put his hand on him as he drank and pushed him solidly into the mountain. He became a rock, and the water pa.s.sed through him. Several of the old men of Bontoc have seen this rock, now broken by others fallen on it from above, but the stream of water still flows on the thirsty mountain.

In an isolated garden, called "fil-lang'," now in ato Chakong, Lu-ma'-wig taught Bontoc how best to plant, cultivate, and garner her various agricultural products. Fil-lang' to-day is a unique little s.e.m.e.ntera. It is the only garden spot within the pueblo containing water. The pueblo is so situated that irrigating water can not be run into it, but throughout the dry season of 1903 -- the dryest for years in Bontoc -- there was water in at least a fourth of this little garden. There is evidently a very small. but perpetual spring within the plat. Taro now occupies the garden and is weeded and gathered by Na-wit', an old man chosen by the old men of the pueblo for this office. Na-wit' maintains and the Igorot believe that the vegetable springs up without planting. As the watering of fil-lang'

is through the special dispensation of Lu-ma'-wig, so the taro left by him in his garden school received from him a peculiar lease of life -- it is perpetual. The people claim that all other taro beds must be planted annually.

Lu-ma'-wig showed the people how to build the fawi and pabafunan, and with his help those of Lowingan and Sipaat were constructed. He also told them their purposes and uses. He gave the people names for many of the things about them; he also gave the pueblo its name.

He gave them advice regarding conduct -- a crude code of ethics. He told them not to lie, because good men do not care to a.s.sociate with liars. He said they should not steal, but all people should take care to live good and honest lives. A man should have only one wife; if he had more, his life would soon be required of him. The home should be kept pure; the adulterer should not violate it; all should be as brothers.

As has been previously said, the people of Bontoc claim that they did not go to war or kill before Lu-ma'-wig came.

They say no Igorot ever divorced a wife who bore him a child, yet they accuse Lu-ma'-wig of such conduct, but apparently seek to excuse the act by saying that at the time he was partially insane. Fu'-kan, Lu-ma'-wig's wife, bore him several children. One day she spoke very disrespectfully to him. This change of att.i.tude on her part somewhat unbalanced him, and he put her with two of her little boys in a large coffin, and set them afloat on the river. He securely fastened the cover of the coffin, and on either end tied a dog and a c.o.c.k. The coffin floated downstream un.o.bserved as far as Tinglayan. There the barking of the dog and the crowing of the c.o.c.k attracted the attention of a man who rushed out into the river with his ax to secure such a fine lot of pitch-pine wood. When he struck his ax in the wood a voice called from within, "Don't do that; I am here." Then the man opened the coffin and saw the woman and children. The man said his wife was dead, and the woman asked whether he wanted her for a wife. He said he did, so she became his wife.

After a time the children wanted to return to Bontoc to see their father. Before they started their mother instructed them to follow the main river, but when they arrived at the mouth of a tributary stream they became confused, and followed the river leading them to Kanyu. There they asked for their father, but the people killed them and cut them up. Presently they were alive again, and larger than before. They killed them again and again. After they had come to life seven times they were full-grown men; but the eighth time Kanyu killed them they remained dead. Bontoc went for their bodies, and told Kanyu that, because they killed the children of Lu-ma'-wig, their children would always be dying -- and to-day Bontoc points to the fewness of the houses which make up Kanyu. The bodies were buried close to Bontoc on the west and northwest; scarcely were they interred when trees began to grow upon and about the graves -- they were the transformed bodies of Lu-ma'-wig's children. The Igorot never cut trees in the two small groves nearby the pueblo, but once a year they gather the fallen branches. They say that a Spaniard once started to cut one of the trees, but he had struck only a few blows when he was suddenly taken sick. His bowels bloated and swelled and he died in a few minutes.

These two groves are called "Pa-pa-tay'" and "Pa-pa-tay' ad So-kok',"

the latter one shown in Pl. CLIV. Each is said to be a man, but among some of the old men the one farthest to the north is now said to be a woman. The reason they a.s.sign for now calling one a woman is because it is situated lower down on the mountain than the other. They are held sacred, and the monthly religious ceremonial of patay is observed beneath their trees.

It seems that Lu-ma'-wig soon became irritated and jealous, because Fu'-kan was the wife of another man, and he sent word forbidding her to leave her house. About this time the warriors of Tinglayan returned from a head-hunting expedition. When Fu'-kan heard their gongs and knew all the pueblo was dancing, she danced alone in the house. Soon those outside felt the ground trembling. They looked and saw that the house where Fu'-kan lived was trembling and swaying. The women hastened to unfortunate Fu'-kan and brought her out of the house. However, in coming out she had disobeyed Lu-ma'-wig, and shortly she died.

Lu-ma'-wig's work was ended. He took three of his children with him to Mount Po'-kis, on the northern horizon of Bontoc, and from there the four pa.s.sed above into the sky as birds fly. His two other children wished to accompany him, but he denied them the request; and so they left Bontoc and journeyed westward to Loko (Ilokos Provinces) because, they said, if they remained, they would die. What became of these two children is not known; neither is it known whether those who went above are alive now; but Lu-ma'-wig is still alive in the sky and is still the friendly G.o.d of the Igorot, and is the force in all the things with which he originally had to do.

Throughout the Bontoc culture area Lu-ma'-wig is the one and only G.o.d of the people. Many said that he lived in Bontoc, and, so far as known, they hold the main facts of the belief in him substantially as do the people of his own pueblo.

"Changers" in religion

In the western pueblos of Alap, Balili, Genugan, Takong, and Sagada there has been spreading for the past two years a changing faith. The people allying themselves with the new faith call themselves "Su-pa-la'-do," and those who speak Spanish say they are "guardia de honor."

The Su-pa-la'-do continue to eat meat, but wash and cleanse it thoroughly before cooking. They are said also not to hold any of the ceremonials a.s.sociated with the old faith. They keep a white flag flying from a pole near their dwelling, or at least one such flag in the section of the pueblo in which they reside. They also believe that Lu-ma'-wig will return to them in the near future.

A Tinguian man of the pueblo of Pay-yao', Lepanto, a short journey from Agawa, in Bontoc, is said to be the leading spirit in this faith of the "guardia de honor." It is believed to be a movement taking its rise from the restless Roman Catholic Ilokano of the coast.

In Bontoc pueblo the thought of the return of Lu-ma'-wig is laughed at. The people say that if Lu-ma'-wig was to return they would know of it. However, two families in Bontoc, one that of Finumti, the tattooer, and the other that of Kayyad, a neighbor of Finumti, have a touch of a changing faith. They are known in Bontoc as O-lot'.

I was not able to trace any connection between the O-lot' and the Su-pa-la'-do, though I presume there is some connection; but I learned of the O-lot' only during the last few days of my stay in Bontoc. The O-lot' are said not to eat meat, not to kill chickens, not to smoke, and not to perform any of the old ceremonies. However, I do not believe they or in fact the Su-pa-la'-do neglect all ceremonials, because such a turning from a direct, positive, and very active religious life to one of total neglect of the old religious ceremonials would seem to be impossible for an otherwise normal Igorot.

Priesthood

That the belief in spirits is the basis of Igorot religion is shown in the fact that each person or each household has the necessary power and knowledge to intercede with the anito. No cla.s.s of persons has been differentiated for this function, excepting the limited one of the dream-appointed insupak or anito exorcists.

That belief in a supreme being is a later development than the belief in spirits is clear when the fact is known that a differentiated cla.s.s of persons has arisen whose duty it is to intercede with Lumawig for the people as a whole.

This religious intercessor has few of the earmarks of a priest. He teaches no morals or ethics, no idea of future rewards or punishments, and he is not an idle, nonproductive member of the group. He usually receives for the consumption of his family the food employed in the ceremonies to Lumawig, but this would not sustain the family one week in the fifty-two. The term "priesthood" is applied to these people for lack of a better one, and because its use is sufficiently accurate to serve the present purpose.

There are three cla.s.ses of persons who stand between the people and Lumawig, and to-day all hold an hereditary office. The first cla.s.s is called "Wa-ku'," of which there are three men, namely, Fug-ku-so', of ato Somowan, Fang-u-wa', of ato Lowingan, and Cho-Iug', of ato Sigichan. The function of these men is to decide and announce the time of all rest days and ceremonials for the pueblo. These Wa-ku' inform the old men of each ato, and they in turn announce the days to the ato. The small boys, however, are the true "criers." They make more noise in the evening before the rest day, crying "Teng-ao'! whi! teng-ao'!" ("Rest day! hurrah! rest day!"), than I have heard from the pueblo at any other time.

The t.i.tle of the second cla.s.s of intercessors is "Pa'-tay," of whom there are two in Bontoc -- Kad-lo'-san, of ato Somowan, and Fi'-Iug, of ato Longfoy.

The Pa'-tay ill.u.s.trate the nature of the t.i.tles borne by all the intercessors. The t.i.tle is the same as the name of the ceremony or one of the ceremonies which the person performs.

Once every new moon each Pa'-tay performs the pa'-tay ceremony in the sacred grove near the pueblo. This ceremony is for the general well-being of the pueblo.

The third cla.s.s of intercessors has duties of a two-fold nature. One is to allay the rain and wind storms, called "baguios," and to drive away the cold; and the other is to pet.i.tion for conditions favorable to crops. There are seven of these men, and each has a distinct t.i.tle. All are apparently of equal importance to the group.

Le-yod', of ato Lowingan, whose t.i.tle is "Ka-lob'," has charge of the ka-lob' ceremony held once or twice each year to allay the baguios. Ang'-way, of ato Somowan, whose t.i.tle is "Chi-nam'-wi,"

presides over the chi-nam'-wi ceremony to drive away the cold and fog. This ceremony usually occurs once or twice each year in January, February, or March. He also serves once each year in the fa-kil' ceremony for rain. Cham-lang'-an, of ato Filig, has the t.i.tle "Po-chang'," and he has one annual ceremony for large palay. A fifth intercessor is Som-kad', of ato Sipaat; his t.i.tle is "Su'-wat." He performs two ceremonies annually -- one, the su'-wat, for palay fruitage, and the other a fa-kil' for rains. Ong-i-yud', of ato Fatayyan, is known by the t.i.tle of "Ke'-eng." He has two ceremonies annually, one ke'-eng and the other tot-o-lod'; both are to drive the birds and rats from the fruiting palay. Som-kad', of ato Sigichan, with the t.i.tle "O-ki-ad'," has charge of three ceremonies annually. One is o-ki-ad', for the growth of beans; another is los-kod', for abundant camotes, and the third is fa-kil', the ceremony for rain. There are four annual fa-kil' ceremonies, and each is performed by a different person.

Sacred days

Teng-ao' is the sacred day, the rest day, of Bontoc. It occurs on an average of about every ten days throughout the year, though there appears to be no definite regularity in its occurrence. The old men of the two ato of Lowingan and Sipaat determine when teng-ao' shall occur, and it is a day observed by the entire pueblo.

The day is publicly announced in the pueblo the preceding evening. If a person goes to labor in the fields on a sacred day -- not having heard the announcement, or in disregard of it -- he is fined for "breaking the Sabbath." The old men of each ato discover those who have disobeyed the pueblo law by working in the field, and they announce the names to the old men of Lowingan and Sipaat, who promptly take from the lawbreaker firewood or rice or a small chicken to the value of about 10 cents, or the wage of two days. March 3, 1903, was teng-ao' in Bontoc, and I saw ten persons fined for working. The fines are expended in buying chickens and pigs for the pa'-tay ceremonies of the pueblo.

Ceremonials

A residence of five months among a primitive people about whom no scientific knowledge existed previously is evidently so scant for a study of ceremonial life that no explanation should be necessary here. However, I wish to say that no claim is made that the following short presentation is complete -- in fact, I know of several ceremonies by name about which I can not speak at all with certainty. Time was also insufficient to get accurate translations of all ceremonial utterances which are here presented.

There is great absence of formalism in uttering ceremonies, scarcely two persons speak exactly the same words, though I believe the purport of each ceremony, as uttered by two people, to be the same. This looseness may be due in part to the absence of a developed cult having the ceremonies in charge from generation to generation.

Ceremonies connected with agriculture

Pochang

This ceremony is performed at the close of the period Pa-chog', the period when rice seed is put in the germinating beds.

It is claimed there is no special oral ceremony for Po-chang'. The proceeding is as follows: On the first day after the completion of the period Pa-chog' the regular monthly Pa'-tay ceremony is held. On the second day the men of ato Sigichan, in which ato Lumawig resided when he lived in Bontoc, prepare a bunch of runo as large around as a man's thigh. They call this the "cha-nug'," and store it away in the ato fawi, and outside the fawi set up in the earth twenty or more runo, called "pa-chi'-pad -- the pud-pud' of the harvest field.

The bunch of runo is for a constant reminder to Lumawig to make the young rice stalks grow large. The pa-chi'-pad are to prevent Igorot from other pueblos entering the fawi and thus seeing the efficacious bundle of runo.

During the ceremony of Lis-lis, at the close of the annual harvest of palay, both the cha-nug' and the pa-chi'-pad are destroyed by burning.

Chaka

On February 10, 1903, the rice having been practically all transplanted in Bontoc, was begun the first of a five-day general ceremony for abundant and good fruitage of the season's palay. It was at the close of the period I-na-na'.

The ceremony of the first day is called "Su-yak'." Each group of kin -- all descendants of one man or woman who has no living ascendants -- kills a large hog and makes a feast. This day is said to be pa.s.sed without oral ceremony.

The ceremony of the second day was a double one. The first was called "Wa-lit'" and the second "Mang'-mang." From about 9.30 until 11 in the forenoon a person from each family -- usually a woman -- pa.s.sed slowly up the steep mountain side immediately west of Bontoc. These people went singly and in groups of two to four, following trails to points on the mountain's crest. Each woman carried a small earthen pot in which was a piece of pork covered with basi. Each also carried a chicken in an open-work basket, while tucked into the basket was a round stick about 14 inches long and half an inch in diameter. This stick, "lo'-lo," is kept in the family from generation to generation.

When the crest of the mountain was reached, each person in turn voiced an invitation to her departed ancestors to come to the Mang'-mang feast. She placed her olla of basi and pork over a tiny fire, kindled by the first pilgrim to the mountain in the morning and fed by each arrival. Then she took the chicken from her basket and faced the west, pointing before her with the chicken in one hand and the lo'-lo in the other. There she stood, a solitary figure, performing her sacred mission alone. Those preceding her were slowly descending the hot mountain side in groups as they came; those to follow her were awaiting their turn at a distance beneath a shady tree. The fire beside her sent up its thin line of smoke, bearing through the quiet air the fragrance of the basi.

The woman invited the ancestral anito to the feast, saying:

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