The History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic Volume III Part 35

[1] Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1516, cap. 8.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 150.--Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib.

4, cap. 5.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., dial. de Ximeni.

[2] Carbajal has given us Charles's epistle, which is subscribed "El Principe." He did not venture on the t.i.tle of king in his correspondence with the Castilians, though he affected it abroad. a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1516, cap. 10.

[3] The letter of the council is dated March 14th, 1516. It is recorded by Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1516, cap. 10.

[4] It became permanently so in the following reign of Philip II.

Semanario Erudito, tom. iii. p. 79.

[5] Carbajal penetrates into the remotest depths of Spanish history for an authority for Charles's claim. He can find none better, however, than the examples of Alfonso VIII. and Ferdinand III.; the former of whom used force, and the latter obtained the crown by the voluntary cession of his mother. His argument, it is clear, rests much stronger on expediency, than precedent. a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1516, cap. 11.

[6] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 151 et seq.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1516, cap. 9-11.--Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. lib. 2, cap. 2.--Dormer, a.n.a.les de Aragon, lib. 1, cap. 1, 13.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist.

572, 590, 603.--Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 53.

[7] Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 158.-- Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. lib. 2, cap. 4.

Alvaro Gomez finds no better authority than vulgar rumor for this story.

According to Robles, the cardinal, after this bravado, twirled his cordelier's belt about his fingers, saying, "he wanted nothing better than that to tame the pride of the Castilian n.o.bles with!" But Ximenes was neither a fool nor a madman; although his over-zealous biographers make him sometimes one, and sometimes the other. Voltaire, who never lets the opportunity slip of seizing a paradox in character or conduct, speaks of Ximenes as one "qui, toujours vetu en cordelier, met son faste a fouler sous ses sandales le faste Espagnol." Essai sur les Moeurs, chap. 121.

[8] Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1516, cap. 13.--Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 5.--Sempere, Hist. des Cortes, chap. 25.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 159.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.

[9] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 174 et seq.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.-Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1516, cap. 13.

[10] Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1516, cap. 11.--Aleson, Annales de Navarra, tom. v. p. 327.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 570.-- Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 5.

[11] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 164, 165.--Herrera, Indias Occidentales, tom. i. p. 278.--Las Casas, Oeuvres, ed. de Llorente, tom. i. p. 239.

Robertson states the ground of Ximenes's objection to have been, the iniquity of reducing one set of men to slavery, in order to liberate another. (History of America, vol. i. p. 285.) A very enlightened reason, for which, however, I find not the least warrant in Herrera, (the authority cited by the historian,) nor in Gomez, nor in any other writer.

[12] Llorente, Hist. de l'Inquisition, tom. i, chap. 10, art. 5.

[13] Paramo, De Origine Inquisitionis, lib. 2, t.i.t. 2, cap. 5.--Llorente, Hist. de l'Inquisition, tom. i. chap. 11, art. l.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 184, 185.

[14] Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1517, cap. 2.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 189, 190.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 581.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.

"Ni properaveritis," says Martyr in a letter to Marliano, Prince Charles's physician, "ruent omnia. Nescit Hispania parere non regibus, aut non legitime regnaturis. _Nauseam inducit magnanimis viris hujus fratris_, licet potentis et reipublicae amatoris, gubernatio. Est quippe grandis animo, et ipse, ad aedificandum literatosqne viros fovendum natus magis qnam ad imperandum, bellicis colloquiis et apparatibus gaudet." Opus Epist., epist. 573.

[15] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 198-201.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 567, 584, 590.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1517, cap. 3, 6.-- Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.--Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p.

73.

[16] In a letter to Marliano, Martyr speaks of the large sums, "ab hoc gubernatore ad vos missae, sub parandae cla.s.sis praetextu." (Opus Epist., epist. 576.) In a subsequent epistle to his Castilian correspondents, he speaks in a more sarcastic tone. "_Bonus ille frater_ Ximenez Cardinalis gubernator thesauros ad Belgas transmittendos coacervavit. ***** Glacialis Oceani accolae ditabuntur, vestra expilabitur Castilla." (Epist. 606.) From some cause or other, it is evident the cardinal's government was not at all to honest Martyr's taste. Gomez suggests, as the reason, that his salary was clipped off in the general retrenchment, which he admits was a very hard case. (De Rebus Gestis, fol. 177.) Martyr, however, was never an extravagant encomiast of the cardinal, and one may imagine much more creditable reasons, than that a.s.signed, for his disgust with him now.

[17] See a letter in Carbajal, containing this honest tribute to the ill.u.s.trious dead. (a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1517, cap. 4.) Charles might have found an antidote to the poison of his Flemish sycophants in the faithful counsels of his Castilian ministers.

[18] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 602.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol.

194.-Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.

Martyr, in a letter written just before the king's landing, notices the cardinal's low state of health and spirits. "Cardinalis gubernator Matriti febribus aegrotaverat; convaluerat; nunc recidivavit. ***** Breves fore dies illius, medici automant. Est octogenario major; ipse regis adventum affectu avidissimo desiderare videtur. Sent.i.t sine rege non rite posse corda Hispanorum moderari ac regi." Epist. 598.

[19] Fla.s.san, Diplomatic Francais, tom. i. p. 313.--Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. iv. part. 1, no. 106.

[20] Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1517, cap. 9.--Dormer, a.n.a.les de Aragon, lib. 1. cap. 1.--Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 43.--Dolce, Vita di. Carlo V., p. 12.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 212.--Sandoval, Hist, del Emp.

Carlos V., tom. i. p. 83.

[21] Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ubi supra.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 215.

--Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 84.

[22] "Cette terrible lettre qui fut la cause de sa mort," says Marsollier, plumply; a writer who is sure either to misstate or overstate. (Ministere du Card. Ximenez, p. 447.) Byron, alluding to the fate of a modern poet, ridicules the idea of

"The mind, that fiery particle, Being extinguished by an Article!"

The frown of a critic, however, might as well prove fatal as that of a king. In both cases, I imagine, it would be hard to prove any closer connection between the two events, than that of time.

[23] "Con aquel despedimiento," says Galindez de Carbajal, "con esto acabo de tantos servicios luego que Ilego esta carta el Cardenal rescibio alteracion y tomole recia calentnra que en pocos dias le des-pacho."

(a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1517, cap. 9.) Gomez tells a long story of poison administered to the cardinal in a trout, (De Rebus Gestis, fol. 206.) Others say, in a letter from Flanders, (see Moreri, Dictionnaire Historique, _voce_ Ximenes.) Oviedo notices a rumor of his having been poisoned by one of his secretaries; but vouches for the innocence of the individual accused, whom he personally knew. (Quincuagenas, MS., dial, de Xim.) Reports of this kind were too rife in these days, to deserve credit, unless supported by very clear evidence. Martyr and Carbajal, both with the court at the time, intimate no suspicion of foul play.

[24] Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1517, cap. 9.--Gomez, de Rebus Gestis, fol. 213, 214.--Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 8.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.

"'Voila mon juge, qui p.r.o.noncera bientot ma sentence. Je le prie de tout mon coeur de me cond.a.m.ner, si, dans mon ministere, je me suis propose autre chose que le bien de la religion et celui de l'etat.' Le lendemain, au point du jour, il voulut recevoir l'extreme onction." Jay, Histoire du Ministere du Cardinal Richelieu, (Paris, 1816,) tom. ii. p. 217.

[25] Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 215- 217.--Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 12-15; who quotes Marano, an eye-witness.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1517, cap. 9, who dates the cardinal's death December 8th, in which he is followed by Lanuza.

The following epitaph, of no great merit, was inscribed on his sepulchre, composed by the learned John Vergara in his younger days.

"Condideram musis Franciscus grande lyceum, Condor in exiguo nune ego sarcophago.

Praelextam junxi saccho, galeamque galero, Frater, dux, praesul, cardineusque pater.

Quin virtute reel junctum est diadema cucullo, c.u.m mibi regnanti paruit Hesperia."

[26] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 160.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 17.

--"And who can doubt," exclaimed Gonzalo de Oviedo, "that powder, against the infidel, is incense to the Lord?" Quincuagenas, MS.

[27] During this period, Ximenes "_permit_ la cond.a.m.nation," to use the mild language of Llorente, of more than 2500 individuals to the stake, and nearly 50,000 to other punishments! (Hist. de l'Inquisition, tom. i.

chap. 10, art. 5; tom. iv. chap. 46.) In order to do justice to what is really good in the characters of this age, one must absolutely close his eyes against that odious fanaticism, which enters more or less into all, and into the best, unfortunately, most largely.

[28] "Persuasum haberet, non alia ratione animos humanos imperia aliorum laturos, nisi vi facta aut adhibita. Quare pro certo affirmare solebat, nullum unquam principem exteris populis formidini, aut suis reverentiae fuisse, nisi comparato militum exercitu, atque omnibus belli instrumentis ad manum paratis." (Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 95.) We may well apply to the cardinal what Cato, or rather Lucan, applied to Pompey;

"Praetulit arma togae; sed pacem armatus amavit."

Pharsalia, lib. 9.

[29] "Nulla enim re magis populos insolescere, et irreverentiam omnem exhibere, quam c.u.m libertatem loquendi nacti sunt, et pro libidine suas vulgo jactant querimonias." Gomez quotes the language of Ximenes in his correspondence with Charles. De Rebus Gestis, fol. 194.

[30] Oviedo makes a reflection, showing that he conceived the cardinal's policy better than most of his biographers. He states, that the various immunities, and the military organization, which he gave to the towns enabled them to raise the insurrection, known as the war of the "comunidades," at the beginning of Charles's reign. But he rightly considers this as only an indirect consequence of his policy, which made use of the popular arm only to break down the power of the n.o.bles, and establish the supremacy of the crown. Quincuagenas, MS., dial, de Xim.

[31] Quincuagenas, MS., ubi supra. Mr. Burke notices this n.o.ble trait, in a splendid panegyric which he poured forth on the character of Ximenes, at Sir Joshua Reynolds's table, as related by Madame d'Arblay, in the last, and not least remarkable of her productions. (Memoirs of Dr. Burney, vol.

ii. pp. 231 et seq.) The orator, _if_ the lady reports him right, notices, as two of the cardinal's characteristics, his freedom from bigotry and despotism!

[32] Their connection with so distinguished a person, however enabled most of them to form high alliances; of which Oviedo gives some account.

Quincuagenas, MS.