The Condition of Catholics Under James I. Part 21

Yea, I know a town myself whither some Puritans came to seize some goods of Catholics long before the Parliament, where the party whose goods were taken, complaining of the rigour in the manner of proceeding, the officers answered, "They hoped to see all the Catholics' throats cut shortly, therefore this was nothing." Things therefore standing in these terms with Catholics, these gentlemen resolved to expect no further trials, but, as I said, concluded upon their intended stratagem, bound each other by oath to the highest degree of secrecy, and so it seems they went about their business, never fearing any fault in the thing itself, nor fall that might come to Catholics by their error; and thus it continued for a good s.p.a.ce with them.

They hired a house by the water side (as may appear in Mr. Winter's confession) where they might first land their powder when they had bought it, and from whence they might easily transport it by boat also unto the place appointed, which was a house close by the Parliament House, hired by Mr. Thomas Percy, as a fit residence for himself near the Court, being Pensioner, and to wait daily in his quarters. And Mr. Faulks went as his man to keep the house. In this house, to prevent occasions of often going out, because they would not seem to be many in the house, they bought baked meats and made provision at once for a long time. They began to work underground at such times as they could least be heard, and wrought the mine until they came to the wall of the Parliament House, which finding to be hard stone, they were long about a little progress, and were to be more wary than before in respect of the noise. Whilst they were thus together, and proceeding daily as they might, they had leisure, saith Mr. Winter, to fas.h.i.+on all their business, and to discourse of all things that were to be done in the matter, whereby it may seem their first resolution of the thing itself was sudden, and such as young heads and forward minds do often bring forth, without due consideration of circ.u.mstances and likely events, which would not have been if they had asked counsel in the cause; but rather, if the matter had been of that quality that it had been fit to have proceeded in it (as this was most unfit of all others), then would all the circ.u.mstance of importance have been foreseen beforehand, and all likely events forecast, and according to them the resolution left off or undertaken. But these gentlemen, as it seems then, with that leisure and opportunity of being so much in private together, began to fas.h.i.+on their business, after they had begun the enterprise. Then they began to think how they should get into their hands the next heir, whom they might set up and strengthen against the meaner sort of Puritans that would be left; so that his authority being used in his nonage, the Catholic religion might be erected, and he so brought up, as that he would at his full years be a patron of the same. And Mr. Percy undertook that charge, being one that might best be seen in the Court, in regard of his place. Then they discoursed what foreign Princes they should acquaint with the business, in respect of their help after against the heretics, if they did stand out long. And they resolved to acquaint none; first, because they could not oblige them by oath to secrecy, so as they might be sufficiently a.s.sured thereof, which they esteemed the most necessary point of all others, and the strength of the whole business; secondly, for that it seemed they were doubtful the matter would be misliked by other Princes, as indeed they had cause to think it, not likely only, but certain; and so no doubt they would have found it, if it had been imparted to any, especially if the least notice had come unto His Holiness, who had ever showed a special care of our King, and had great hope that in time he would do well both for himself and his country. Then also they began to think what Lords they should save out of the Parliament. And first they resolved they would save as many as they could. Then they descended more into particulars, to consider whom they might draw out of the danger, without danger of discovering unto them the cause why, or so that they might have the least suspicion of the matter intended.

And here, belike, finding it would be very hard to save so many as they desired, and yet withal to save the secrecy of their enterprise (in which consisted the safety of themselves and of the cause), here it is very likely they began to have that scruple in which afterwards they sought to satisfy their conscience, but not in right and plain matter as they should, by explaining the case of which they demanded, but afar off, as a thing by chance coming into their mind, and concerning rather a point of warlike affairs in general, than any particular intention of theirs at that time to be put in practice. For whilst they were in the middle of their discourses (saith Mr. Winter), understanding that the Parliament should be anew adjourned, they left off their work for that time, and went to keep Christmas in several places, which was always their custom, to avoid suspicion. Then the chiefest of them took the present commodity offered by meeting with learned Priests that holy time, and meant to inform themselves of such doubts as were risen concerning the lawfulness of the business they had in hand. And, having a great opinion both of the learning and virtue of the Fathers of the Society, Mr. Catesby desired to get, by cunning means, the judgment of their Superior, so as he should never perceive to what end the question were asked. Therefore coming to Father Garnett, after much ordinary talk, and some time pa.s.sed over after his arrival, one time he took occasion (upon some speech proposed about the wars in the Low Countries or such like) to ask how far it might be lawful for the party that hath the just quarrel to proceed in sacking or destroying a town of the enemy's or fortress when it is holden against them by strong hands. The Father answered that in a just war it was lawful for those that had right to wage battle against the enemies of their commonwealth, to authorize their captains or soldiers, as their officers, to annoy or destroy any town that is unjustly holden against them, and that such is the common doctrine of all Divines: in respect that every commonwealth must by the Law of Nature be sufficient for itself, and therefore as well able to repel injuries as to provide necessaries; and that, as a private person may _vim vi repellere_, so may the commonwealth do the like with so much more right as the whole is of more importance than a part; which, if it were not true, it should follow that Nature had provided better for beasts than for men, furnis.h.i.+ng them with natural weapons as well to offend as to defend themselves, which we see also they have a natural instinct to use, when the offence of the invader is necessary for their own defence. And therefore that it is not fit to think that G.o.d, Who by natural reason, doth provide in a more universal and more n.o.ble manner for men than by natural instinct for beasts, hath left any particular person, and much less a commonwealth, without sufficient means to defend and conserve itself; and therefore not without power to provide and use likely means to repel present injuries, and to repress known and hurtful enemies. And that, in all these, the head of the commonwealth may judge what is expedient and needful for the body thereof. Unto which Mr.

Catesby answering that all this seemed to be plain in common reason, and the same also practised by all well-governed commonwealths that ever have been, were they never so pious or devout. But, said he, some put the greatest difficulty in the sackage of towns and overthrowing or drowning up of forts, which, in the Low Countries, and in all wars is endeavoured, when the fort cannot otherwise be surprised, and the same of great importance to be taken. How then those who have right to make the war may justify that destruction of the town or fort, wherein there be many innocents and young children, and some perhaps unchristened, which must needs perish withal? Unto this the Father answered, that indeed therein was the greatest difficulty; and that it was a thing could never be lawful in itself, to kill an innocent, for that the reason ceaseth in them for which the pain of death may be inflicted by authority, seeing the cause why a malefactor and enemy to the commonwealth may be put to death is in respect of the common good, which is to be preferred before his private (for otherwise, considering the thing only in itself, it were not lawful to put any man to death); and so because the malefactor doth _in re gravi_ hinder the common good, therefore by the authority of the magistrate that impediment may be removed. But now, as for the innocent and good, their life is a help and furtherance to the common good, and therefore in no sort it can be lawful to kill or destroy an innocent. But, said Mr.

Catesby, that is done ordinarily in the destruction of these forts I spake of. It is true, said the Father, it is there permitted, because it cannot be avoided; but is done as _per accidens_, and not as a thing intended by or for itself, and so it is not unlawful. As if we were shot into the arm with a poisoned bullet, so that we could not escape with life unless we cut off our arm; then _per accidens_ we cut off our hand and fingers also which were sound, and yet being, at that time of danger, inseparably joined to the arm, lawful to be cut off, which it were not lawful otherwise to do without mortal sin. And such was the case of the town of Gabaa, and the other towns of the tribe of Benjamin, wherein many were destroyed that had not offended. With which Mr. Catesby seeming fully satisfied, brake presently into other talk, the Father at that time little imagining whereat he aimed, though afterwards, when the matter was known, he told some friends what had pa.s.sed between by Mr. Catesby and him about this matter, and that he little suspected then he would so have applied the general doctrine of Divines to the practice of a private and so perilous a case, without expressing all particulars, which course may give occasion of great errors, as we see it did in this.

Now Mr. Catesby having found as much as he thought was needful for his purpose, related the same unto the rest of the conspirators, and all were animated in their proceedings without any further scruple for a long time, but applied all by their own divinity unto their own case, persuading themselves belike, that they had all the conditions of a lawful war with the Puritans and Protestant parties. First, a just cause, in defence of their goods, lives, and liberty, both of themselves and their brethren, and especially for the delivery and safety of so many thousand souls inthralled by sin and heresy; secondly, they thought they found in themselves a right intention to suppress evil and erect and strengthen that which was good and needful; thirdly, about authority to commence the same, I suppose they had most difficulty, and do not see how they could satisfy their own reason (much less the rules that are required in schools) in that behalf, seeing they did know so well, and had been so often told by the said Father Garnett and others of their spiritual guides, that His Holiness had given strict charge there should be nothing attempted against His Majesty [and the State], but that all Catholics should seek in patience to possess their souls, and thereby, and not by force, to plead for favour. I know not therefore from what ground they could imagine themselves to have authority, although in a far less matter.

For it is not likely that they should think of the opinion of some that hold "quod defensio manualis c.u.m sit de Jure Naturali non potest auferri per Superiorem vel contrarium praecipi."(296) And besides, that is to be understood _in ipso conflictu_, and not _longe ante_, as in this case of the Parliament.

But it is an easy matter for an earnest desire to draw a man's opinion after it, and so their great and unadvised zeal to remedy the wrongs done to Catholics both in soul and body, might perhaps make them think that this opportunity of the Parliament being omitted, they should never again have power or opportunity to defend the Catholic party. And that there was not sufficient access to inform Superiors of the case of Catholics, neither that their extremities were believed, and that if they were truly known, they neither would nor could be tolerated when remedy might be applied, in which they thought themselves as it were the officers and hands of the commonwealth, in whose hands and power it was then to perform it as they thought, but would not be so if they should ask counsel or leave of others, because so great a secret could not be kept in the mouths of many, and those not in like manner or measure affected to the business.

Thus we may see how oftentimes it happens that a greedy affection and desire of the prey doth not let the bird consider or see the danger of the net which hangeth between the prey and it. And so as it is in too earnest pursuit of riches, that "qui volunt divites fieri incidunt in tentationem et in laqueum diaboli,"(297) so in this case, their vehement desire of their prefixed end, did make them oversee a number of inconveniences and perils both of soul and body, that did hang upon this lamentable enterprise, which they did afterwards find, and as I hope repented: and others for their fault have felt more at leisure since this matter happened.

But we that be innocent in the case, and were no ways accessary to the cause giving, must not repine at G.o.d's judgments, if He suffer us to be beaten for the error by others committed: Et si in vincula conjiciamur quasi mala operantes et ante reges et praesides ducamur quasi non existentes amici Caesaris,(298) yet we must be comforted in the testimony of our own conscience, that we do hate all treason against our Prince as much as those that punish us for traitors, and would no ways have joined in this if we had known it, but our earnest endeavours against it should have given sufficient testimony of a contrary mind in us, as may and will appear in the chapter following was done by Father Garnett when he began to fear they had something in hand, although he could never guess or suspect so strange a practice as they were then in plotting or rather in perfecting to be performed.

Chapter V. How Father Garnett Beginning To Suspect Somewhat By Certain Generalities He Understood Of The Gentlemen, Wrote Divers Letters To Rome For Prevention Of Rebellion.

When Mr. Catesby had thus satisfied his particular doubts out of this general doctrine, both he and his company went forward in their former purposes and after Christmas met again and began to labour afresh in the mine, to work through the wall of the Parliament House which they found to be difficult and long in doing. Whereupon by mutual consent they took in another a.s.sistant who was Mr. Christopher Wright, younger brother to John Wright before described in the third chapter, by whom also this other may be known without new description. For though he were not like him in face, as being fatter and a lighter coloured hair and taller of person, yet was he very like to the other in conditions and qualities, and both esteemed and tried to be as stout a man as England had and withal a zealous Catholic and trusty and secret in any business as could be wished: in respect whereof they esteemed him very fit to be of their company and so caused him to take the oath of secrecy and he received the Blessed Sacrament thereupon (as they had also done) and so admitted him. Not long after they admitted also another, which was Mr. Robert Winter, the eldest brother to Thomas Winter before spoken of.

This Robert Winter was a gentleman of good estate in Worcesters.h.i.+re, about one thousand marks a year, and had matched with the daughter of Mr. John Talbot, an ancient Catholic and one of the greatest men in the whole s.h.i.+re for blood, for living, and for power. Mr. Robert Winter was also an earnest Catholic, though not as yet generally known to be so. He was a wise man and of grave and sober carriage and very stout, as all of that name have been esteemed. This gentleman then with like ceremonies and obligation to secrecy was joined to their number and made them up seven; who all laboured hard in the mine to get through the foundation of the house, which was a hard stone wall of three yards thick. And so they continued working until near Easter, at which time finding that a cellar under the side of their house (which was until that time in the possession of others) was then to be let for rent, Mr. Percy presently took the same, as if it were to lay in fuel for his house and they found it so commodious for their purpose, that they left off their other laborious work in the mine; and in the cellar placed all their powder and covered the same with billets, in such sort as it could not be suspected: intending to store it better with powder and other necessaries nearer to the time of the Parliament which then was adjourned.

In the meantime Father Garnett understanding by some friends that Mr.

Catesby was much missing from the places where he was wont continually to resort for spiritual helps; and hearing also, that he and other gentlemen of his forward humour did keep much together and had many secret meetings, he began to suspect they had something in hand that might tend to some commotion and that they did labour to get adherents for some attempt to be performed in forcible manner. Whereupon he wrote presently to his Superiors at Rome, that by their means there might be procured from His Holiness a prohibition to be sent unto Catholics from attempting anything by way of force, and of this kind he wrote divers letters which myself have seen since that time. And having had good commodity to see the copies of them lately in a place where they are safely kept, I will set down his own words written in several letters, that the reader may see his wise and quiet proceeding and the mild spirit of the man, much different from the calumnious reports his enemies have given of him concerning this action and directly contrary to the turbulent spirit of those that have been professed teachers of heresy both in those and other countries.

And first he wrote one letter to his Superiors in the year 1604, dated on the 29 of August, whilst the peace was yet in treaty and some hope yet living in Catholics that their peace would also be included, in which he hath these words (showing how difficult a matter it was for Catholics to be heard in their own cause even by some of those that were to plead for them). "Some," saith he, "are so jealous of their peace that whosoever dealt earnestly with them to further religion, they sticked not to say that they were seditious and statesmen. 'Nunquid pax est perniciosa religioni?'(299) said one of them. But no wise men misliked the peace and we hope for good of religion, which Catholics do patiently expect." These are his words: and truly if all that had to do in the matter had dealt as effectually for us in that kind as the Constable did in the small time of his stay there, perhaps things might have gone better with us than they did; but as he received promises which were not performed after his departure; so others were with like policy made believe that things did not go so hard with us as indeed we felt them: although it be true that the hardest of all began after the peace was fully concluded. In the same letter of Father Garnett's one may see also what difficulty he had on the other side with some Catholics to keep them quiet if some mitigation should not be obtained for them after so long expectance, wherein he meant belike Mr. Catesby and some such whom he most feared, about which he wrote these words following in cypher: "If the affair of toleration go not well, Catholics will no more be quiet. What shall we do? Jesuits cannot hinder it. Let Pope forbid all Catholics to stir." These are his words, which sufficiently declare both his desires and endeavours to further peace and to hinder the contrary.

About a month after he wrote another letter in answer of one he had received from his Superiors not long before (as I perceive by the party that hath the keeping of these letters), wherein they did require to be informed whether himself or any of the Society in England were against the peace, or did favour or further unquiet proceedings in any respect; for that such an information had been sent to Padua out of England, but not known by whom, unto which he answered as followeth: "That which was written to Padua, that the King is much moved against Catholics through the fervour of some Jesuits, is known to be false here by all, as well enemies as friends. For they were the setters on of the suit for peace, and the Agent always used their counsel, and without their credit and friends he had never gone so forward. Besides, an Earl of great account commended publicly the Jesuits in the Parliament House, as persons wise, learned, and of sincere conscience, and great setters forwards of peace.

In Watson's business it is well known how many had been entangled, and what danger would have followed if they had not hindered. For although they cannot hinder what every tumultuous head intendeth, yet can they carry with them to peaceable courses the best and most Catholics. Finally, our enemies see our courses and stick not to say that we flatter the Council, whose good opinion we have gotten. Thus humbly saluting yourself and all our friends, I cease this 21 of September." Thus the good Father, in whose words we may see how, with truth and sincere dealing, he was able, and had need to defend himself and his Company from virulent surmises and false informations on both sides; some informing they did bend to the one extremity, and some thinking they did lean unto the other; but virtue is in the mean, in which path both he and his did walk.

And as for that matter of Watson's, thus much I can say upon my knowledge, that when the Plot was revealed unto Father Gerard to have his counsel and furtherance therein, he first refused absolutely to meddle in the matter, and wished the other party to desist himself and to dissuade others from it, as a thing absolutely unlawful and many ways hurtful. Then presently, for better prevention thereof, he sent to London of purpose, both to inform his own Superior, Father Garnett, and the Archpriest, Mr.

Blackwell, wis.h.i.+ng they would presently forbid all their acquaintance from entering into the cause, and to stay it what they could; by which course he thought he had done sufficient to hinder the proceeding of the matter, not knowing then that any others were interested therein but those few Catholics from whom and of whom he had heard it. But afterwards, understanding again that the intention did go on, and that they were to be at London at Midsummer to effect their intent (which was to apprehend the King's person as he should be hunting in a park); and seeing that Midsummer was then at hand, and the time so short, that he feared much no warning to the parties themselves would be sufficient to stay them, he then, to be more sure of the safety of His Majesty's person, made known the whole intention unto one of His Majesty's servants, a Scottish gentleman and a Catholic, and as such well known unto His Majesty, who presently made haste unto the Court to open the matter unto the King himself; but found it was known the day before he came, and so spake nothing of it, being not then needful, nor he willing without cause to be acknowen of his acquaintance with Father Gerard: for which cause also I do here suppress his name; but if occasion were, I doubt not but he would be willing to bear witness with what care and fidelity the said Father Gerard did seek to prevent the danger to His Majesty. All which having heard from Father Gerard himself upon his protestation to be true in every point as I have here related, I do the rather set it down, because he was one of the three afterwards most wrongfully accused of this other much greater and more pernicious conspiracy, whereof he had not so much as the least knowledge, as will afterwards more plainly appear.

But to return to the letters of Father Garnett. When once he began to suspect that the gentlemen aforesaid had something in their heads, and perceived by divers words and signs, that they were the more strange with the Society; and as it were offended that the Society were still so earnest to persuade all men to expect the Providence of G.o.d, and the help that might be procured by the mediation of other Princes, wherein also they a.s.sured all Catholics that His Holiness would effectually procure them to do their best. These gentlemen were impatient to hear of any longer stay upon unlikely hopes, and therein esteemed the Society hinderers of their good, as may appear by a letter of Father Garnett, written in the 8 of May, 1605, wherein he hath these words set down all in cypher: "All are desperate, divers Catholics are offended with Jesuits; they say that Jesuits do impugn and hinder all forcible enterprises. I dare not inform myself of their affairs, because of the prohibition of Father General for meddling in such affairs." Then out of cypher followeth: "And so I cannot give you exact account; this I know by mere chance." Thus much Father Garnett, whereby may appear both what commandment he had received from his Superiors and how carefully he performed it, even to the offence of these forward-minded Catholics, who were then well forward in their cruel enterprise. For this was after they had left the mine, and hired the cellar, as I said in the last chapter, as more commodious for their purpose. But of all that Father Garnett had not then the least imagination, only so much as he gathered by generalities, he informed his Superiors that they might hinder. Whereupon, having soon after received answer of these from Father Persons, with strict charge in the name of His Holiness, with Father General's letters also to the same effect, that he and his should continue, by all means possible, to hinder any insurrection or undutiful proceedings against His Majesty or the State. Unto those letters Father Garnett made this answer following, dated the 24 of July, the same year 1605.

"Magnifice Domine,

Accepimus Dominationis vestrae litteras, quas, ea qua par est reverentia erga suam Sanct.i.tatem et vestram Paternitatem amplectimur. Et quidem pro mea parte quater hactenus tumultum impedivi. Nec dubium est quin publicos omnes armorum apparatus prohibere possimus; c.u.m certum sit multos Catholicos absque nostro consensu nihil ejusmodi (nisi urgente necessitate) attentare velle. Duo tamen sunt quae nos valde solicitos tenent. Primum ne alii forta.s.sis in una aliqua Provincia ad arma convolent, unde alios ipsa necessitas ad similia studia compellat. Sunt enim non pauci qui nuda suae Sanct.i.tatis jussione cohiberi non possunt. Ausi sunt enim, vivo Papa Clemente, interrogare, num posset Papa illos prohibere, quominus vitam suam defendant? Dic.u.n.t insuper, suorum secretorum Presbyterum nullum fore conscium, nominatim vero de n.o.bis conqueruntur etiam amici nonnulli nos illorum molitionibus obicem ponere. Atque ut hos aliquo modo leniremus et saltem tempus lucraremur, ut dilatione aliqua adhiberi possint congrua remedia, hortati sumus ut communi consilio aliquem ad Sanctissimum mitterent, quod factum est, eumque ad Ill.u.s.trissimum Nuncium in Flandriam direxi, ut ab ipso suae Sanct.i.tati commendetur; scriptis etiam litteris, quibus eorum sententiam exposui, et rationes pro utraque parte. Hae litterae fuse scriptae ac plenius fuere, tutissime enim transferentur. Atque haec de primo periculo. Alterum est aliquanto deterius, quia periculum est ne privatim aliqua proditio aut vis Regi offeratur, et hoc pacto omnes Catholici ad arma compellantur. Quare, meo quidem judicio duo necessaria sunt; primum ut sua Sanct.i.tas praescribat quid quoquo in casu agendum sit; deinde ut sub censuris omnem armorum vim Catholicis prohibeat, idque Brevi publice edito, cujus occasio obtendi potest nuper excitatus in Wallia tumultus qui demum in nihilum recidit.

Restat ut (c.u.m in pejus omnia quotidie prolabantur) oremus S.

Sanct.i.tatem his tantis periculis ut brevi necessarium aliquod remedium adhibeat, cujus sicut et Rdae. Ptis. vrae benedictionem imploramus.(300)

"Londini, 24 Julii, 1605.

"Magcae. Dnis. Vae. Servus "HENRICUS G."

By these we may see that Father Garnett having now great suspicion that these gentlemen had something in hand against the State, or perhaps perceiving by some general signs there was some such matter, he sought presently to apply the surest remedy from His Holiness. And true it is, as will appear after in Father Garnett's arraignment, that Mr. Catesby offered sometimes to tell him that they would not endure to be so long so much abused, but would take some course to right themselves, sith others would not respect them or could not relieve them; unto which general speeches Father Garnett would give no ear, nor durst not enter to inquire further of the matter, in respect of a prohibition from his Superiors, which he touched in the former letters. But yet upon this general knowledge, you see how earnestly he wrote for an authentical instrument of prohibition from such authority as he knew they would not resist, although perhaps his own words, in a matter of so great weight, would not suffice for all, though for the most and best it would, as before he also touched.

And it seemed soon after, as he thought that he had done some good with those gentlemen also, whom he feared most, or else that they had promised him to lay aside all thought of those matters, until they had answer from the gentleman whose sending, as you see, he had proposed to defer their hot desires until a cooling card might be sent from Rome, in answer of this his letter. For soon after, he wrote other letters of the 28 of August, wherein (having first declared how both his houses were discovered unto the Council, and he thereby utterly unfurnished of a safe place, and thereupon resolved to spend most of the summer in travel to visit a holy well of St. Winifred, which is a great pilgrimage in England, and to do what good he could at friends' houses by the way, both going and coming, until a fit house could be provided for him, wherein he might settle for the winter); this declared, he wrote as followeth: "And for anything we can see, Catholics are quiet, and likely to continue their old patience, and to trust to the King or his son for to remedy all in time. The increase of Catholics is great, and I hope in this journey (which I undertake to-morrow, both for health and want of a house) I shall have occasion of much good. I leave for subst.i.tute," &c. And so he proceedeth to show whom he left to dispatch his London business in his absence. But where Father Garnett said in this letter that for ought he could see Catholics were quiet, his meaning was, no doubt, quiet from any attempts, as he supposed. For as for other quietness, or repose from persecution, you shall see what quiet there was by another letter of his written in October following, towards the end of his journey; which, being the true relation of the present state of things to be seen in such a man's letter, I think best to set it down verbatim: "My very loving Sir, we are to go within few days nearer London, yet are we unprovided of a house, nor can find any convenient for any long time. But we must be fain to borrow some private house for a time, and live more privately until this storm be overblown. For most strict inquiries are practised, wherein if my hostess be not quite undone, she speedeth better than many of her neighbours. The courses taken are more severe than in Queen Elizabeth's time. Every six weeks is a several court; juries appointed to indict, present, find the goods of Catholics, prize them, yea in many places to drive away whatsoever they find 'contra ordinem juris,' and put the owners, if perhaps Protestants, to prove that they be theirs, and not of recusants with whom they deal. The Commissioners, in all countries, are the most earnest and base Puritans, whom otherwise the King discountenanceth. The prisoners at Wisb.i.+.c.h are almost famished; they are very close, and can have no help from abroad; but the King allowing a mark a week for each one, the keeper maketh his gains, and giveth them meat but three days a week. If any recusant buy his goods again, they inquire diligently if the money be his own, otherwise they would have that too. In fine, if these courses hold, every man must be fain to redeem once in six months the very bed he lieth on. And hereof (that is of twice redeeming) besides other precedents, I find one in this lodging of --, where now I am." (In his letter it is described, but here not fit to set down.) "The judges now openly protest that the King now will have blood, and hath taken blood in Yorks.h.i.+re; that the King hath hitherto stroked Papists, but now will strike. And this is without any least desert of Catholics. The execution of two in the North is certain, and whereas it was done upon cold blood, that is, with so great stay after their condemnation, it argueth a deliberate resolution of what we may expect. So that there is no hope that [Pope] Paul [V.] can do anything; and whatsover men give out there, of easy proceedings with Catholics, is mere fabulous. And yet I am a.s.sured, notwithstanding, that the best sort of Catholics will bear all their losses with patience. But how these tyrannical proceedings of such base officers may drive particular men to desperate attempts, that I cannot answer for. The King's wisdom will foresee. In my journey," &c. So he proceedeth to relate some particular occurrents that happened in his journey not needful here to be set down, yet towards the end of the letter he setteth down this: "I have a letter from Field in Ireland who telleth me that of late there was a very severe proclamation against all Ecclesiastical persons, and a general command for going to the church, with a solemn protestation that the King never promised nor meant to give toleration." All these are Father Garnett's words truly and sincerely set down as they lie in his letter written by his own hand, dated the 4th of October, 1605,(301) which I am the more glad I lit on, because it doth agree so just with my former relation of the state of England touching persecution of Catholics before the time of this late conspiracy; whereby some may see, by the plain words of so grave a witness as Father Garnett was, how much they are deceived, when they think that the persecution was caused by the conspiracy, and not, _e contra_, the conspiracy intended and attempted by those gentlemen out of impatience to bear so great abuses, and that from so base and cruel enemies as the Puritans are, who were everywhere made princes over Catholics, though otherwise not thought worthy to be esteemed or countenanced.

All these, I say, be Father Garnett his letters, whereof I have seen the copies and have truly set down his own words as they are in the same (as I a.s.sure the reader upon my conscience), and the letters themselves, as I understand for certain, are as yet to be seen in Rome under his own hand, if occasion require. And by all these it is most apparent that Father Garnett was as careful as a man could be, to observe the strict commandment he had received both from His Holiness and from Father General and Father Persons his Superiors not to a.s.sent to any tumult, but to use all means he could to keep Catholics in quiet and in their former long combined patience, which he performed of his part with all sorts, and therein prevailed with the most and the best, as himself noteth. And how effectual his persuasions were, may also appear in that, when the gentlemen were up in arms, no Catholic of account would come to a.s.sist them, no, not those that were hard by the place; and men of great power, much greater than those that were risen: yea and some of them near of kindred, some nearly allied unto them; and yet they would neither go, nor send them any a.s.sistance; yea they shut their gates against them, when others came to demand it. Such was their resolution to obey the order they had received and to keep themselves quiet, according to the commandment they had from His Holiness, by the means of Father Garnett made known unto them. And whereas, Father Garnett did fear at the first, and afterwards find, that he could not rule some others so well, them he persuaded to defer at the least all such practices, until they had sent to know His Holiness' will: he, in the mean time, labouring, as you have seen, to have an effectual prohibition by a public instrument from the same authority.

So that, it is most apparent, he was not only innocent from any furtherance or approbation of the treason itself; but also, an earnest hinderer of all kind of undutiful courses and violent attempts: and therein a most diligent and religious observer of his Superiors' will and commandment. Yet all this would not serve to work sufficient patience, or any longer expectance in the minds of these foresaid gentlemen, who, although they bare Father Garnett in hand that they would expect answer, this, as it seems, was but a show of expectance in them, and continued only until they saw the Parliament was almost at hand, and that it was too late for him to send further notice to his Superiors, and receive their answer. And they, in the mean time, proceeded, as afterwards Father Garnett also chanced to know, very much against his will, as will appear in that which followeth.

Chapter VI. How In The Mean s.p.a.ce, The Conspirators Proceeded In Their Purpose, And Drew In More Complices, And What They Were.

Whilst the great persecution before recited did reign so much, and brought with it so many and so great afflictions upon all sorts of Catholics, as before you have read, and whilst Father Garnett did verily persuade himself that notwithstanding all those great difficulties, all was and would be borne with patience, until further order could be taken, and the same patient toleration publicly commanded which he had privately counselled; these foresaid gentlemen who had commenced a course before that time which Father Garnett did little dream of, although they did bear him in hand whom they saw resolute for quiet courses, that they would expect until order came from authority, after their messenger had been heard, whom they had sent to explain their griefs according to his counsel, yet they, persuading themselves (as they afterwards affirmed to some that were with them, when they were in arms in the country, but were not taken with them) that if contrary order to their designments should come from higher authority (as they feared in likelihood it would, and therefore were loth to expect so long) that the same was only upon mistaking of their case or upon some hope perhaps His Holiness might have that things would be better with Catholics after a time, and that favour would be procured by fair means; and this hope grounded upon promises from those that had deceived many with the like and never kept any yet that they made in that kind. They therefore, thinking themselves to have had so long trial hereof, would not be staid, as it seems, from their present purpose by future expectations, but proceeded in what way they had begun, and provided still more powder to such a quant.i.ty as made up in all thirty-six barrels, some bigger and some less; all which they placed so in the cellar under the Parliament House, as must needs have overthrown the same and some other buildings also that had been near unto it, if it had been set on fire as was intended; especially having placed thereon many billets of wood to cover the same powder and some bars of iron also of purpose: all which being blown up with the powder, would have made sure to tear and rend the Parliament House in pieces.

Thus having disposed all things in the cellar as they would have them, they absented themselves much from thence; because they would give no cause of note over that place more than others, whereof they were ever very careful. And so they had good cause, being men as likely to be noted by the State for men of action and performance, as any in the realm; and then, being withal known to be resolute Catholics, their often meetings or haunting much to one place, especially near the Court, would not have been free from suspect. For the same cause also, during all the time they wrought in the mine or cellar, they would have but small company, and were but seven acquainted with the matter, all which I named before. Only one man of meaner condition they admitted there into the secret, to help them in making provision of their powder, and that was one Bates, a servant of Mr. Robert Catesby's, whom he had great opinion of for his long tried fidelity towards him, which the poor fellow continued even until he saw his master dead; and then, it is like, his heart was dead withal, for he showed some fear after, when he was taken, which gave others occasion to work upon his weakness and to give some beginning of colour towards the accusation of divers that were not guilty in the matter, as shall afterwards appear. But these foresaid gentlemen having left the cellar, as they desired to find it, were then to seek for further helps wherewith to effect their designments when that act should be performed. For then their purpose was (saith Mr. Winter in his printed confession) to seize upon the person of the young Prince, if he were not in the Parliament House, which they much desired. But if he were, then upon the young Duke Charles, who then should be the next heir, and him they would erect, and with him and by his authority, the Catholic religion. If that did also fail them, then had they a resolution to take the Lady Elizabeth, who was in the keeping of the Lord Harrington in Warwicks.h.i.+re; and so by one means or other, they would be certain to settle in the crown one of the true heirs unto the same. But to perform this part of their exploit required more hands and help than as yet they had at command. Wherefore they bethought themselves what help they might adjoin unto them in that great secret, without likely danger and yet with the a.s.sistance which they wanted, which partly required some more men of strength both in mind and body; but chiefly for supply of money, which if they had in readiness, and that placed in those countries where they meant to gather to a head, and where, for the most part, all sorts are either Catholic or affected to Catholics, they thought then they could want neither men nor any needful provision.

To this effect they first acquainted Mr. Ambrose Rookewood with the business, a gentleman of good worth in the county of Suffolk and of a very ancient family and himself the heir of the eldest house. This gentleman was brought up in Catholic religion from his infancy and was ever very devout. His parents also were very virtuous and suffered much persecution for their Faith, both in payment of money and loss of their goods and many other molestations; yet was their house a continual receptacle for Priests, and a place wherein many other Catholics did often find great spiritual comfort, the house being a very fair great house and his living very sufficient. But that which moved them specially to make choice of Mr.

Rookewood was, I suppose, not so much to have his help by his living as by his person, and some provision of horses, of which he had divers of the best: but for himself, he was known to be of great virtue and no less valour and very secret. He was also of very good parts otherwise as for wit and learning, having spent of his youth in study. He was at this time, as I take it, not past twenty-six or twenty-seven years old and had married a gentlewoman of a great family, a virtuous Catholic also, by whom he had divers young children. Yet it seemed all those did little move him nor any respect to his living or fortune, though he had enjoyed them but a little time; whereby I do gather, they made a great account of this business, in respect whereof, it seems, they made account of nothing.

Next unto him was a Warwicks.h.i.+re gentleman, one Mr. John Grant, a man of sufficient estate for his own charge, and lived well in his country; but of no great ability to help in the business, otherwise than by his acquaintance (being well beloved and allied in that country where they were chiefly to need help). But for his own person he was as fierce as a lion, of a very undaunted courage as could be found in a country: which mind of his he had often showed unto pursuivants and prowling companions, when they would come to his house to search and ransack the same, as they did to divers of his neighbours. But he paid them so well for their labour not with crowns of gold but with cracked crowns sometimes, and with dry blows instead of drink and other good cheer, that they durst not visit him any more, unless they brought great store of help with them. Truth is, his mettle and manner of proceeding was so well known unto them, that it kept them very much in awe and himself in much quiet which he did the rather use, that he might with more safety keep a Priest in his house, which he did with great fruit unto his neighbours and comfort to himself. This gentleman therefore they adjoined to their company, as they had done Mr.

Rookewood, giving to them both the oath of secrecy, according to their custom.

Then they called in one Mr. Robert Keyes, a grave and sober man, and of great wit and sufficiency, as I have heard divers say, that were well acquainted with him. His virtue and valour were the chiefest things wherein they could expect a.s.sistance from him; for otherwise, his means were not great, but in those two, by report, he had great measure. More was the pity that such men, so worthy to be esteemed, should lose themselves in such a labyrinth of erring courses.

But of all others, he that was most pitied and generally most commended of all men, was the next whom Mr. Catesby thought fit to acquaint with the matter, therein to have his help and a.s.sistance in all kinds, both for counsel and forces and provision of money, of horses and armour and men and followers; in all which, put them all together and there was not such a man amongst them. And this was Sir Everard Digby, a Knight of great living and great account in his country. He was of an ancient and great family, whose ancestors were a great help to the suppressing of Richard III. the tyrant, and the bringing and setting up of King Henry VII. from whom our King James is lineally descended: whereupon King Henry did make Knights in the field seven brothers of his house at one time, from whom descended divers houses of that name, which live all in good reputation in their several countries. But this Sir Everard Digby was the heir of the eldest and chiefest house, and one of the chiefest men in Rutlands.h.i.+re where he dwelt, as his ancestors had done before him, though he had also much living in Leicesters.h.i.+re and other s.h.i.+res adjoining. His estate was not fully come into his hands, for his mother lived, who had above seven or eight hundred pounds a year; but he had in his hands above 2,000 marks a year. This gentleman was always Catholicly affected, and heir unto the piety of his parents, as well as to their living: for they were ever the most noted and known Catholics in that country. And although this gentleman being left a ward by his Father's untimely death, was not brought up Catholicly in his youth, but at the University by his guardians, as other young gentlemen use to be; yet when he came to be of riper years, and had the guiding of himself and his own estate, he affected most the company of Catholics and finding by them the necessity not only of believing but of practising also and professing that religion, he presently made election rather to suffer with Catholic religion, and to bear with Catholics the cross of persecution than to rise with heresy and to be advanced in the Court, which until then he had followed, and was as likely to be raised as any there, if he would have followed the time. For indeed to do him right, he was as complete a man in all things that deserved estimation or might win affection, as one should see in a kingdom. He was of stature about two yards high, very little lower than Mr. Catesby but of stronger making; of countenance so comely and manlike, that when he was taken and brought up to the Court (not in the best case to make show of himself as you may imagine), yet some of the chiefest in the Court seeing him out of a window brought in that manner, lamented him much, and said he was the goodliest man in the whole Court. He was skilful in all things that belonged unto a gentleman, very cunning at his weapon, much practised and expert in riding of great horses, of which he kept divers in his stable continually with a skilful rider for them. For other sports of hunting or hawking, which gentlemen in England so much use and delight in, he had the best of both kinds in the country round about, insomuch that he made that the colour of his going into Warwicks.h.i.+re at this time, and of drawing company together of his friends, as it were to a match of hunting which he had made. For all manner of games which are also usual for gentlemen in foul weather, when they are forced to keep house, he was not only able therein to keep company with the best; but was so cunning in them all, that those who knew him well, had rather take his part than be against him. He was a good musician and kept divers good musicians in his house; and himself also could play well of divers instruments. But those who were well acquainted with him do affirm that in gifts of mind he excelled much more than in his natural parts; although in those also it were hard to find so many in one man in such a measure. But of wisdom he had an extraordinary talent, such a judicial wit and so well able to discern and discourse of any matter, as truly I have heard many say they have not seen the like of a young man, and that his carriage and manner of discourse were more like to a grave Councillor of State, than to a gallant of the Court as he was, and a man but of twenty-six years old (which I think was his age or thereabouts). And though his behaviour were courteous to all, and offensive to none, yet was he a man of great courage and of noted valour, which at his end he showed plainly to the world, all men seeing and affirming that he made no account at all of death. He was so studious a follower of virtue, after he became Catholic, that he gave great comfort to those that had the guiding of his soul (as I have heard them seriously affirm more than once or twice), he used his prayers daily both mental and vocal, and daily and diligent examination of his conscience: the Sacraments he frequented devoutly every week, and to that end kept a Priest in his house continually, who for virtue and learning hath not many his betters in England. Briefly I have heard it reported of this Knight by those that knew him well, and that were often in his company, that they did note in him a special care of avoiding all occasions of sin and of furthering acts of virtue in what he could; to which end he was not only studious to bring as many to be Catholics as he could (studying books of purpose to enable himself in that kind), and brought in divers of that sort and some of great account and place. Not only in this highest kind, wherein he took very great joy and comfort, but also in ordinary talk, when he had observed that the speech did tend to any evil, as detraction or other kind of evil words which sometimes will happen in company, his custom was presently to take some occasion to alter the talk, and cunningly to bring in some other good matter or profitable subject to talk of. And this, when the matter was not very grossly evil, or spoken to the dishonour of G.o.d or disgrace of His servants; for then, his zeal and courage were such, that he could not bear it, but would publicly and stoutly contradict it, whereof I could give divers instances worth relating, but am loth to hold the reader longer; having written thus much of him, that it may appear what was the cause why he was so much and so generally lamented, and is so much esteemed and praised by all sorts in England, both Catholics and others, although neither side do or can approve this last outrageous and exorbitant attempt against our King and country, wherein a man otherwise so worthy, was so unworthily lost and cast away to the great grief of all that knew him and especially of all that loved him. And truly it was hard to do the one and not the other.

The last of all that was called to be partaker in this treacherous plot was Mr. Francis Tresham, a gentleman of Northamptons.h.i.+re of great estate, esteemed then worth 3,000_l._ a year. His parents had been long time Catholic and his father often in prison for his conscience, although he paid the statute duly besides of 20_l._ a month for his refusing to go to Church with heretics. This gentleman had been wild in his youth, and even till his end was not known to be of so good example as the rest, though, towards his later years, much reclaimed and good hope conceived of him by divers of good judgment. I think Mr. Catesby (who was his near kinsman) did chiefly acquaint him with the matter in regard of his help by provision of money which Mr. Tresham was as well able to do as the best, and thought to be as likely to be both faithful and forward as any, having been, before, a companion with them in that action of the Earl of Ess.e.x in Queen Elizabeth's time, and both then and since, continually discontented with the proceedings of the State. But it is thought by most, that Mr.

Tresham had not that zeal for the advancement of the Catholics' cause in respect of itself, as the others had. And it seems by Mr. Winter's confession, they also repented afterwards that they had made him of their council, fearing him to be the man who had opened the matter and so defeated them of their purpose; whereof I must treat in the next chapter.

But these gentlemen being thus added to the number of the conspirators, they then began to conclude amongst themselves how everything should be acted, as saith Mr. Winter. They designed Mr. Faulkes to be the man that should strike that first and fatal stroke and attend upon the powder ready prepared in the cellar, to set it on fire with a match, when the hour appointed should be come, which should be the first day of the Parliament, because then the King would certainly be there, and all the Lords also (but those whom they meant to keep from thence by some means or other), likewise all their Bishops and most of the chiefest Puritans of the land.

Mr. Percy his office should be (with a certain company ready to a.s.sist him) presently after that first blow to enter the place where the young Prince or the Duke Charles were kept, to seize upon his person, who being safely placed in the custody of Catholics, presently they would have proclaimed him King. Sir Everard Digby was in Warwicks.h.i.+re at the time appointed, as it was agreed amongst them, where, under pretence of a hunting match (having brought his hawks and hounds to Dunsmore Heath for the purpose, and hunted there two or three days before), he gathered many of his friends together, and had himself great store of men, and many fair and goodly horses. He had also made great provision of armour and shot, which he sent before him in a cart with some trusty servants, and had made ready above 1,000_l._ in ready coin, as his servants since have averred that did escape, and one of them delivered up great part of the money to the King's officers so soon as he saw his master fallen into the lapse.

Their intention was that if they failed of the Prince or Duke about London, which was not unlike they should, then would some of them hasten down to Sir Everard Digby after the blow were given, others stopping the ways that no news might pa.s.s but by their permission; and then should Sir Everard Digby have made sure, with his forces and friends, to have taken the Lady Elizabeth out of the Lord Harrington his hands, whom then they would presently have proclaimed heir-apparent to the Crown. Then had they (as is expressed in their confessions) a proclamation ready penned, wherein they would have commanded all sorts of men, by authority of the Prince or Princess, who would have been in their custody, to a.s.sist the quiet settling of the young King or Queen in their seat. They would have offered freedom from all taxes and impositions, and payments of subsidies, and such like; and for religion, they would have left it as yet free for all sorts to follow their own conscience without compulsion, which afterwards they meant (saith the printed confession) to have set better in order. And so indeed the Catholics are able to perform it, if they might have freedom, by many means more effectual than force of arms, in such an unsettled State as that must needs have been for a time; and by many means more effectual than heretics have, who therefore only use the sword. For, if the truth might freely be preached, if the lives and examples of Catholics, and especially of Religious Orders, might be seen and suffered in public, if those that be followers of the Apostles, and expert in their trade of fis.h.i.+ng for men, might be freely permitted to use and show their skill in gaining of souls, no doubt then but the sun s.h.i.+ning so bright, as it would be seen to do in the doctrine of Truth, would disperse the clouds of error; no doubt but the candle set upon the candlestick would give light unto many minds that now are groping in the Egyptian darkness of heresy. And no question but many and great fishes would be taken, when the night being past, our Lord would both license and direct His servants to cast their net on the right hand, and that such a net as would not break, the net of Peter that is entire and undivided, although it be able to catch at one draught a hundred, fifty and three great fishes, wherein is designed by a great and certain number an uncertain and not to be numbered gain of souls, that the Apostles and Apostolic men should gain to Christ.

And this these gentlemen hoped had been the time. But G.o.d, in Whose only hands and disposition are the moments of time, and Who hath placed bounds and limits unto the sea, and saith unto it, "Usque huc venies et non procedes amplius et hic confringes tumentes fluctus tuos:"(302) He Who is the Master must be also the Measurer of time, and He will not easily make men of His council when their afflictions shall end and how far they shall proceed; especially such men as themselves will not follow counsel, but run headlong upon such a course as this, which no wise man could or would have counselled. No, on the contrary side, that was verified in this practice which Christ foretold unto St. Peter, when upon zeal he drew his sword in defence of his Master,

"Omnes qui acceperint gladium, gladio peribunt,"(303) said our Lord, forewarning all men, that howsoever they may receive the sword or use it, when it is given them by authority (as it is to all lawful governors and officers in commonwealths), yet to take the sword (which noteth a private will or power not authorized) is not without a fault, nor shall be without a fall. And so it happened to these conspirators, as the sequent chapter will declare.

Chapter VII. How, The Parliament Drawing Near, The Whole Plot Was Discovered, And That Which Ensued Thereupon.

The mercies of G.o.d are great, and His patient expectance of us, granting time and occasions and motives to repent, is most gracious and full of longanimity. The foresaid conspirators had intended and prepared, as you have heard, the utter destruction and overthrow both of the King with the chiefest of his family, of the Council also, with most of the n.o.bility, and with their clergy, and others that belonged to both the Houses of Parliament. But the mercies of G.o.d were such, that He would not permit so great and universal a ruin to light upon so many, and amongst them so many worthy persons, amongst whom, it is to be hoped, His infinite wisdom hath foreseen many upon whom His goodness will bestow His grace hereafter, and so make them vessels of election, who now perhaps, in ignorant zeal, do persecute the servants of Christ and Christ in them.

And if there were any there who finally will prove but c.o.c.kle in the field, yet the Father of the family would not have them so digged out as His unskilful servants desired, "ne forte eradicantibus illis zizania, eradicatum fuisset simul et tritic.u.m."(304) We hope and pray for much good unto many of those, who should have been present at that eruption of fire, if it had succeeded according to their intent, which G.o.d forbid. And G.o.d did forbid it, for no doubt it was His will it should be discovered, which happened in this manner. About ten days before the Parliament should have begun the Lord Mounteagle (whose affection to Catholics hath long time been known unto divers) being at his own house and at supper, a man came to his page in the street and delivered him a letter wis.h.i.+ng him to deliver the same unto his Lord's own hands, which the page performed, but made no stay of the bringer thereof, who presently departed. The Lord Mounteagle not knowing the hand, and seeing no name subscribed, caused one of his men to read it unto him, and it was of this tenour.