The Tell El Amarna Period Part 2

"If, however, we have to mourn," so the complaint proceeds, "the king himself will soon have to mourn over those things which Aziru has committed against us, for next he will turn his hand against his lord. But Tunip, thy city, weeps; her tears flow; nowhere is there help for us."

The most bitter complaints against Aziru and his father Abd-Ashera come from Rib-Addi of Gebal. His utterances rival the Lamentations of Jeremiah both in volume and in monotonous pathos. One of these many letters, the contents of which are often stereotyped enough, is also noticeable for its revelation of the connection of Rib-Addi, who must already have been an elderly man, with Amanappa:

"To Amanappa, my father; Rib-Addi, thy son! At my father's feet I fall. Again and again I asked thee, 'Canst thou not rescue me from the hand of Abd-Ashera? All the Habiri are on his side; the princes will hear no remonstrances, but are in alliance with him; thereby is he become mighty.' But thou hast answered me, 'Send thy messenger with me to Court, and then will I, if nothing be said against it (_i.e._, by the king), send him again and again with royal troops to thee till the Pidati march forth to secure thy life.' Then I answered thee, 'I will not delay to send the man, but nothing of this must come to the ears of Abd-Ashera, for [Yanhamu has] taken [silver] from his hand.' (As much as to say that if Abd-Ashera gives Yanhamu a hint, the messenger will never get beyond Lower Egypt.) But thou hast said, 'Fear not, but send a s.h.i.+p to the Yarimuta, and money and garments will come to thee thence.' Now, behold, the troops which thou hast given me have fled, because thou hast neglected me, while I have obeyed thee. He hath spoken with the official (Yanhamu?) nine times [in vain].

Behold, thou art delaying with regard to this offence as with the others. What then can save me? If I receive no troops I shall forsake my city, and flee, doing that which seems good to me to preserve my life."

Yanhamu's bias against Rib-Addi is made evident in many other letters which the poor wretch addressed to the Court:

"If I should make a treaty with Abd-Ashera as did Yap-Addi and Zimrida, then I should be safe. Furthermore, since Simyra is indeed lost to me, and Yanhamu hath received Bit-Arti, he ought to send me provision of grain that I may defend the king's city for him. Thou, oh king, speak to Yanhamu; 'Behold, Rib-Addi is in thy hand, and all injury done to him falls on thee.' "

This desire was not complied with, for the Phnician va.s.sal was at length robbed of all his cities and possessions, so that even the callous Egyptian Government felt obliged at last to send a threatening emba.s.sy to Aziru, the son of Abd-Ashera, and the real author of the difficulties in Gebal. At the same time the surrender was demanded of certain "enemies of the king," who were in all probability princ.i.p.al adherents of Aziru. When the messenger Hani arrived with this note, Aziru, evidently warned in good time, had promptly vanished over the hills, and none of the royal commands could be carried out. He pretends to have settled down in Tunip, which he must previously have seized, but at once returned home on hearing of Hani's arrival. Unfortunately it was too late. The cunning Amorite brought forward one excuse after another. "Even if thy actions be just, yet if thou dissemble in thy letters at thy pleasure, the king must at length come to think that thou liest in every case," is a pa.s.sage in the letter brought by Hani. Aziru replies in a tone of injured innocence:

"To the great king, my lord, my G.o.d, my sun; Aziru, thy servant.

Seven times and again seven times, &c. Oh, lord, I am indeed thy servant; and only when prostrate on the ground before the king, my lord, can I speak what I have to say. But hearken not, O lord, to the foes who slander me before thee. I remain thy servant for ever."

This trusty va.s.sal added to his other known faults the peculiarity of conspiring readily with the Hitt.i.te foes of the Court. His insolence helped him successfully out of these awkward difficulties also whenever the matter came under discussion. When preparing fresh raids he did not hesitate to invent news of Hitt.i.te invasions which he was bound to resist, and all territory which he then took from his co-va.s.sals would, according to his own account, otherwise certainly have fallen into the hands of the enemy. But as the result was always the same-_i.e._, to the advantage of Aziru alone-the opinion began to prevail in Egyptian councils that this restless va.s.sal should be summoned to Court and tried. For many years Aziru succeeded in evading these fatal and dangerous, or at best very costly orders. But finally he was forced to obey, and with heavy heart and well-filled treasure chests set off for Egypt. Apparently he relied on his princ.i.p.al ally Dudu, whom in his letters he always addresses as "father"; but this pleasant alliance did not avail to protect the disturber of the peace from provisional arrest. The last letter in the Aziru series, which had obviously been confiscated and subsequently found its way back into the archives, is a letter of condolence from the adherents or sons of Aziru to their imprisoned chief. Nevertheless, the political activity of the Amorite chief seemed to many Syrian, and especially to Phnician princes as on the whole for the good of the land, and, therefore, to be supported. His appearance put the longed-for end to a far less endurable condition of things. Two communications from Akizzi, the headman of the city of Katna, near Damascus, exhibit the difference clearly. When Akizzi sent his first communication to Nimmuria every petty chief went raiding on his own account: Teuwatta of Lapana, Dasha, Arzawia and all the rest of them. These vanished with the entrance of Aziru upon the scene, though the change was by no means welcome to Akizzi. In the Lebanon things were no better. Here Namyauza was struggling with the headmen of Puzruna and Khalunni. "They began hostilities together with Biridashwi against me and said: 'Come, let us kill Namyauza.' But I escaped." This promiscuous warfare raged most fiercely in the south. Here a certain Labaya tried to play the part taken by Aziru in the north. But fortune was less favourable to Labaya. Probably he failed to induce his undisciplined officers to act in unison, and the unhappy man's sole achievement seems to have been the welding of his foes into a compact body against himself. He lost his territory, kept up the struggle a little longer as a freebooter, was taken captive at Megiddo, escaped again on the eve of being s.h.i.+pped to Egypt, and fell in battle or died a natural death after at length meeting apparently with some success in Judaea.

Jerusalem was under a royal "Uweu," a term perhaps best rendered "captain," named Abdikheba. A neighbouring prefect, Shuwardata, a.s.serted occasionally that he had entered into conspiracies with Labaya, and Abdikheba in fact complained of hostilities on all sides. Milki-El and his father-in-law Tagi, chiefs in the Philistian plain near Gath, were his princ.i.p.al opponents. They recruited troops from among the Habiri in the hope that Abdikheba, finding himself practically blockaded, would weary of the struggle and abandon the field. He was evidently very nearly driven to this when he wrote:

"Infamous things have been wrought against me. To see it would draw tears from the eyes of the king, so do my foes press me.

Shall the royal cities fall a prey to the Habiri? If the Pidati do not come in the course of this year, let the king send messengers to fetch me and all my brethren that we may die in the presence of the king, our lord."

By the Habiri we must here understand no other than the Hebrews, who were therefore already to be found in the "Promised Land," but had not yet firmly established themselves there. They swarmed in the Lebanon, where Namyauza had formally enlisted one of their hordes; and yet it seems as if they already held Shechem and Mount Ephraim as free tribal property. At any rate, no letter thence to the king has been discovered, although there is one mention of the city Shakmi (Shechem). The genuinely ancient pa.s.sages in the scriptural accounts of the conquest in the Book of Joshua, and still more the valuable fragments in the first chapter of Judges, are fairly in accordance with what we here learn from the tablets.

Abdikheba's letters may be considered along with those of Milki-El and Tagi, of whom Yanhamu, the powerful official, had just made an example.

Their voices take up the chorus of complaint:

ABDIKHEBA. "Lo! Milki-El and Tagi have done as follows.... Thus, as the king liveth, hath Milki-El committed treachery against me.

Send Yanhamu that he may see what is done in the king's land."

MILKI-EL. "The king, my lord, shall know the deed done by Yanhamu after I had been dismissed by the king. Lo, he took three thousand talents from me and said to me, 'Give me thy wife and thy sons that I may slay them.' May my lord, the king, remember this deed and send us chariots to bring us away."

TAGI. "Am I not a servant of the king? But my brother is full of wounds so that I can send no message by him to the king. Ask the _rabisu_ (a t.i.tle of Yanhamu) whether my brother is not full of wounds. But we turn our eyes to thee, to know whether we may rise to heaven or creep into the earth; our heads remain in thy hand.

Behold, I shall try to make my way to the king by the hand of the surgeons."

MILKI-EL. "I have received the king's message. Let him send the Pidati to protect his servant, and grains of myrrh gum for healing."

As already pointed out, the blame for such occurrences belongs in the first place to the Egyptian system of government. How little the petty princes could expect, whether of good or evil, from their suzerain is shown by glaring examples. King Burnaburiash complained that a Babylonian trading company established by his amba.s.sador in the Canaanite city of Khinaton had, immediately after the amba.s.sador's departure, been attacked and utterly plundered. The princ.i.p.als were killed, and the rest-some of them mutilated-were sent into slavery. "Canaan is thy land; thou art king of it," continues Burnaburiash. "It was in thy land that I suffered this injury; therefore restrain the doers of it. Replace the stolen gold, and slay the murderers of my subjects to avenge their blood." Whether this was done was extremely doubtful, for part of the plunder had in all probability already sufficed to secure a safe retreat for the brigands, who, furthermore, were officials from some of whom letters have been found. The natural consequence was that the amba.s.sadors themselves were attacked. Their caravan with gifts for Napkhuria was robbed twice in succession, and they themselves were held to ransom. The Egyptian Government nevertheless remained outrageously slack as ever, as we may see from the following safe conduct granted on behalf of the Canaanite miscreants: "To the princes in the land of Canaan, the va.s.sals of my brother. Akiya, my messenger, I send to the King of Egypt my brother.

Bring him safe and quickly to Egypt. Let no violence befall him."

Prefects of Canaanite ports were naturally in most active communication with Egypt. On some of the shrewder minds among these men it had dawned that it pleased and amused the king to have immediate news of messages by sea and land from far and near communicated in their letters. Abi-milki of Tyre had carried this practice farthest, and he was also admirably skilful in lodging complaints by the way. We owe to this worthy one of the choicest pieces in the whole collection, the elegant paean of a place-hunter of more than three thousand years ago. It will be noticed that some of his rhetorical expressions repeatedly recall those of the Hebrew Psalter in the same way as do phrases in the letter of Tagi already quoted. In fact, the Bible critic has much to learn from the tablets as a whole. After the formal beginning, Abi-milki launches out as follows:

"My lord the king is the Sun-G.o.d, rising each day over the earth according to the will of his gracious father, the heavenly Sun-G.o.d (Aten). His words give life and prosperity. To all lands his might giveth peace. Like the (Phnician) G.o.d Ram-man, so he thunders down from heaven, and the earth trembles before him. Behold, thy servant writeth as soon as he has good news to send the king. And the fear of my lord, the king, fell upon the whole land till the messenger made known the good news from the king my lord. When I heard through him the command of the king to me, 'Be at the disposal of my high officials,' then thy servant answered his lord, 'It is already done.' On my breast and on my back write I down for myself the commands of the king. Verily, he who hearkeneth to the king his lord, and serveth him with love, the Sun-G.o.d riseth over him, and a good word from the mouth of his lord giveth him life. If he heed not the commands of his lord his city will fall, his house will perish, and his name will be known no more for ever in all lands. But he who followeth his lord as a faithful servant, his city is prosperous, his house is secure, and his name shall endure for ever."

The letter continues for some time in the same strain, but at the end the courtier bethinks him of his office of informer, and adds hastily:

"Furthermore, Zimrida, the prefect of Sidon, sends a report every day to Aziru, Abd-Ashera's son. Every word that comes from Egypt he telleth to him. I, however, tell it to my lord, that it may serve thee, oh my lord!"

Two princes, Adad-nirari of Nukhas.h.i.+ and another whose name is now illegible, apparently take a higher rank than their neighbours. Nukhas.h.i.+ is often named in these tablets as well as in Egyptian inscriptions, and it must have been situated on the north-east slope of the Lebanon range.

We have also letters from the towns of Biruta (Beyrout), Hashab, Hazi, k.u.midi, Kadesh on the Orontes, Sidon, Akko, Rubiza, Megiddo, Hazor, Gezer, Gaza, Lachish, Shamhuna, Mus.h.i.+huma, Dubu, and others, while there are many more so mutilated that their origin can no longer be determined.

These letters, though by no means all of them containing important contributions to the history of political intrigue, are often of interest from the light they throw on manners and customs. A few further extracts are therefore given here.

"To the king my lord, my G.o.ds, my sun; Yabitiri is thy servant, the dust of thy feet, &c. And a faithful servant of the king am I.

I look hither, and I look thither, but it is not light; then I look to the king my lord, then there is light. A brick may be removed from its firm bed, but I move not away from the king's feet. Let my lord the king ask Yanhamu, his _rabisu_. While I was still young he brought me to Egypt, and I served my lord the king and stood at the gate of the palace (as page). And to-day, let my lord the king ask his _rabisu_, I guard the gates of Gaza and of Joppa. I am also attached to the Pidati of my lord the king; whither they go thither do I go with them, as even now. On my neck rests the yoke of my lord the king, and I bear it."

The following tablet from the neighbourhood of the Jordan promises good results as the reward of future research for geographical details:

"To Yanhamu, my lord: Mut-Addi is thy servant at thy feet. I told thee before, and it is so indeed; Ayab hath fled in secret, as did also previously the king of Bihis.h.i.+ before the commissioners of the king his lord. Is Ayab now in Bihis.h.i.+? [He is there] truly as the lord king liveth, truly as he liveth. For two months he has been there. Behold, Benenima is present, Tadua is present, Yashua is present; ask them whether he hath fled from Shadi-Marduk, from Astarti. When all the cities in the land of Gari were in rebellion, Adma (Udumu), Aduri, Araru, Mishtu, Migdal, Ain-anab and Sarki were taken, then later Hawani and Yabesh. Behold, moreover, as soon as thou hadst written a letter to me I wrote to him (Ayab) that thou hadst returned from thy journey (to Palestine?). And behold he came to Bihis.h.i.+ and heard the command."

The names Ayab and Yashua recall Job and Joshua to our minds.

The great alacrity shown in this letter was, as we already know, most acceptable to Yanhamu. Another Syrian chief, whose name has been obliterated, complained bitterly that Yanhamu had refused him a pa.s.sage through his territories, although he showed the royal summons to Court.

This, indeed, may have been an indirect favour to his correspondent. Very amusing is a group of three synoptic letters, written by one scribe for Biri ... (the name is imperfect) of Hashab, Ildaya ... of Hazi, and another. These va.s.sals had evidently taken the field together. They recite their tale like a chorus of schoolboys repeating a lesson.

"Behold, we were besieging the cities of the king my lord in the land of Amki (_i.e._, cities that had fallen away and had ceased to pay tribute). Then came Itakama, the Prince of Kinza (Kadesh), at the head of Hitt.i.tes. Let my lord the king write to Itakama, and cause him to turn aside and give us troops that we may win the cities of my lord the king, and thenceforth dwell in them."

Itakama was specially unpopular with his neighbours. Apparently he was one of the more powerful allies of Aziru, and as such his special task was to press as hard as possible on the foes of the Amorites in southern Cle-Syria. Perhaps, however, Aziru and Itakama did not come together till each for a time had fought his battles alone. The Hitt.i.tes in Itakama's force were, of course, prominently mentioned to alarm Pharaoh. They may have been Hitt.i.te spearmen enrolled by the prince of Kadesh, much as the Habiri and Sutu had been enlisted by his chief rival Namyauza. It is even possible that the soldiers of Kadesh had always been armed in Hitt.i.te fas.h.i.+on; perhaps the town was already inhabited by people of Hitt.i.te stock. Later the Hitt.i.tes actually seized Kadesh, and it is questionable whether it was for the first time. Itakama himself, however, scouts any thought of defection; nay, he writes:

"To the king my lord, &c. I am thy servant, but Namyauza hath slandered me to thee, oh my master. And while he was doing that he occupied all the inheritance of my fathers in the land of Kadesh, and my villages hath he set on fire. Do not the officers of my lord the king and his subjects know my faithfulness? I serve thee with all my brethren, and where there is rebellion against my lord the king, thither I march with my warriors, my chariots, and all my brethren. Behold, now Namyauza hath delivered up to the Habiri all the king's cities in the land of Kadesh and in Ube. But I will march forth, and if thy G.o.ds and thy sun go before me I will restore these places from the Habiri to the king that I may show myself subject to him. I will drive out these Habiri, and my lord the king shall rejoice in his servant Itakama. I will serve the king my lord, and all my brethren, and all lands shall serve him.

But Namyauza will I destroy, for I am for ever a servant of the king my lord."