The Memoirs of the Conquistador Bernal Diaz del Castillo Vol 2 Part 37

[19] According to Torquemada there were 300 concerned in this conspiracy, and their intention was to elect Francisco Verdugo, brother-in-law to the governor of Cuba, captain-general in Cortes'

stead; but adds that Verdugo, who was very courageous and highly esteemed, was not let into the conspiracy. (p. 55.)

[20] According to Cortes, this ca.n.a.l was two miles long, twice the breadth of a man's length, and as deep. It was completed in fifty days by 8000 Indians. (p. 55.)

[21] Herrera (Historia Gen. de las Indias) gives another reason for the younger Xicotencatl's return to Tlascalla. He says, that Alonso Ojeda had given a relation of Xicotencatl, named Piltectetl, who had been shamefully ill-used by the Spaniards, leave to return home, but as Xicotencatl was jealous of this man on account of some love affair, he also secretly decamped for Tlascalla. (p. 61.)

[22] Torquemada remarks that, though the younger Xicotencatl was a man of uncommon bravery, his courage failed him when he saw the hour of death approaching. However, this is hardly to be credited, for it is quite contrary to the Indian character. (p. 62.)

[23] Cortes, in his despatches, tries to throw all the blame of this unfortunate attack upon the royal treasurer. (p. 81.)

[24] Respecting this slimy substance, called by the Mexicans Tecuitlatl, see a former note, first vol. (p. 95.)

[25] Bernal Diaz further remarks, (which we thought better to insert here,) that his complexion was fairer than that of the Indians in general; that he was above twenty-three years of age, and that he had a beautiful wife, daughter of his uncle Motecusuma. (p. 98.)

[26] So the Spaniards called the famous general Gonsalo de Cordova. Our old soldier is generally very satirical when he speaks about the boasted campaigns of Italy. (p. 106.)

[27] The battle of Garigliano, by which Cordova decided the fate of the kingdom of Naples. (p. 106.)

[28] Yet Torquemada a.s.sures us that mothers had eaten of the flesh of their own offspring. (p. 112.)

[29] The Spaniards at length, it would appear, took little notice of this barbarous custom of eating human flesh, so common among the Indians. Even here we see it is mentioned very coolly by Bernal Diaz.

Human flesh certainly formed part of the provisions which Indian warriors carried with them when going out to battle. Both Gomara and Torquemada mention, that when Sandoval had defeated the warriors of Matlaltzinco, he found among their baggage a quant.i.ty of maise and numbers of roasted children. (p. 114.)

[30] All accounts agree in laying the guilt of this inhuman act to the door of the crown officers. Cruelty formed no part of Cortes' character, yet he will always be reproached for having yielded up his better feelings on this occasion to satisfy the rapacity of others. To the honour of the Spanish name, I must here add, that Torquemada most distinctly remarks, that the whole of Cortes troops openly showed their disgust of this infamous deed. (p. 117.)

[31] We have mentioned in a former note that this wine was made from the Agava Americana. To this day it is the common drink of the inhabitants of New Spain. (p. 129.)

[32] Most likely the Chalchicoeca river, for under this name Torquemada comprehends the coast district south of the Islas de Sacrificios.

Monarch. Ind. iv. (p. 140.)

[33] Hibueras and not Higueras. Honduras and Hibueras were the original names given to the coast districts along the bay of the same name. For further information, see Monarch. Ind. iii, 41. (p. 173.)

[34] Christobal de Oli set sail from Vera Cruz early in April of the year 1523. (p. 175.)

[35] Bernal Diaz calls this pope Andriano de Lobayna, but he was not elected to the papal throne until the year following. (p. 195.)

[36] The author calls this Flemish n.o.bleman, Monsieur de Lasoa, the same who performed so conspicuous a part during the early part of the young emperor's reign. (p. 195.)

[37] The emperor arrived in Spain in the month of June 1522, at the same time that Pope Adrian the Sixth repaired to Rome to take possession of the papal throne. (p. 197.)

[38] This n.o.bleman the emperor had appointed commander-in-chief of his troops in Spain; but all his operations were attended with little success, and he lost all influence at court. (p. 198.)

[39] Bernal Diaz means the emperor's chancellor, Mercurin Arborio de Gattinara, who subsequently became a cardinal. (p. 200.)

[40] Most likely in the year 1523. (p. 207.)

[41] A town of Estremadura, and the native place of Cortes. (p. 212.)

[42] Gomara, who had been domestic chaplain in Cortes' family, says, that Cortes sent his father on this occasion 25,000 castellanas de oro, and 800 pounds weight of silver, but that it was seized by the emperor.

(p. 219.)

[43] According to Gomara, several others had tried their wits to compose a verse for this field-piece, until Cortes himself engaged and hit upon those lines. Andreas de Tapia by way of joke proposed the following:

A questo tiro a mi ver Muchos necios a de hazer.

[44] The liberties which Cortes granted to all those who built houses in Mexico, drew such vast crowds to the spot, that pestilential diseases broke out, which carried off numbers of human beings. The labourers, while at work, were enlivened by vocal and instrumental music. (p. 221.)

[45] The real name of this excellent man was Toribio de Benavente. When he first arrived in New Spain, the Indians thought his outward garments so mean that they continually cried out when they saw him, "Poor man!

poor man!" As he was then unacquainted with their language, he inquired the meaning of the word "Motolinia," which they so often repeated; and, on being told what it was, he said, "Well, since this is the first word of the language which I learn, it shall in future be my name!" This monk was unremitting in his exertions to promote the welfare of the Indians, and he alone baptized above 400,000. (p. 222.)

[45*] According to Gomara and Herrera, Cortes left Mexico in October, 1524. (p. 235.)

[46] Herrera, who has otherwise merely transcribed Gomara's account of this expedition, has the following pa.s.sage, which we do not find elsewhere: "Medrano, the hoboist," he says, "declared that, in order to still his hunger during this campaign, he ate of the brain and inside of Bernardo Caldero, and of those of a nephew of his, who was also a musician, and had died of hunger." I must here take the opportunity, owing to an omission in the print, of offering a few remarks on the execution of Quauhtemoctzin, and the king of Tlacupa.

Gomara, in his account of the expedition to the Honduras, positively a.s.serts that Quauhtemoctzin and the other chiefs were guilty of this conspiracy, and says that they confessed it themselves, and were then tried by a court-martial, which pa.s.sed sentence of death upon them.

Torquemada, however, differs widely with Gomara; and, in speaking of the unfortunate end of Quauhtemoctzin, he has the following: "So this matter is related by Gomara and Herrera, but I find it differently represented in a history written in the Mexican language, and which I believe to be perfectly correct. While Cortes (the Mexican author says) was quartered in a certain towns.h.i.+p, the Mexican chiefs one evening began to discourse among themselves about the recent hards.h.i.+ps they had suffered, and Cohuanacotzin said to Quauhtemoctzin, to Tetlepanquetzaltzin, and to other distinguished Mexicans, 'Thus you see, gentlemen, from kings we are become slaves, and we suffer ourselves to be led about by Cortes and this handful of Christians. If we were other people than we are, and would break through the promise we have made these Spaniards, we could play them a pretty trick here, and revenge ourselves upon them for all they have done to us, and the ill-treatment my cousin Quauhtemoctzin has suffered at their hands.' To this the Mexican monarch replied, 'I beg of you Cohuanacotzin to drop this subject, lest some one should overhear us, and imagine we were in earnest.' It appears (continues Torquemada) that they were indeed overheard, for the whole of this discourse was reported to Cortes by a low-minded Mexican of the lower cla.s.ses." (p.

244.)

[47] With respect to the running or melting of the fat in the body causing instant death, it was most likely a notion entertained by the medical men of that day; the remark is, therefore, very excusable in an old soldier. (p. 255.)

[48] Probably the iguana, a species of lizard common to St. Domingo, where it is eaten, and considered delicate food. (p. 255.)

[49] Here our author has evidently erred, for Cortes left Mexico in the month of October, 1524, and the author repeatedly says that two years and three months were spent in this expedition; thus he cannot have returned until the year 1526. (p. 302.)

[50] Cortes must either have worn mourning for an uncommon length of time for his wife, or our author must have been misinformed when he says that she died a few months after her arrival in New Spain. (p. 327.)

[51] Bernal Diaz had forgotten the precise year, and says he arrived there in the month of May, 1536 or 1537. (p. 352.)

[51] The psydium pyriferum or pomiferum of Linnaeus. (p. 352.)

[53] Bernal Diaz has fallen into an error here, for the meeting of the two monarchs at Aigues-Mortes was accidental, the emperor having been cast on the sh.o.r.e of Provence on a sea-voyage to Barcelona, and Francis the First, who happened to be in the neighbourhood at the time, kindly invited him to the place above mentioned. Neither was there any treaty of peace concluded between the two monarchs on this occasion, but an armistice for ten years had been agreed upon between them shortly beforehand, on the 18th of June, 1538. (p. 355.)

[54] This chapter 202 we may distinguish as the most uninteresting of all; it seems a mere jumble of facts thrown in anyhow; but the author himself remarks at the end of the chapter, "I relate all this merely from hearsay." (p. 357.)

[55] A little below, Bernal Diaz particularly mentions Cojohuacan. (p.

364.)

[56] Gomara agrees with Bernal Diaz as to the day of Cortes' death, (the 2d day of December, 1547,) but says he was sixty-three years of age. (p.

364.)

[57] Our author omits to mention anything about the third daughter. In these pa.s.sages we cannot sufficiently admire the excellent feeling of the old soldier, which was charitable to a degree; for though he had great reason to complain of the neglect he suffered from his hero Cortes, yet, after his death, he tries to raise him in your estimation, and he lets him die an honest man. (p. 365.)

[58] The famous general Gonsalo Hernandez de Cordoba. (p. 373.)

[59] The inns in Spain, which stand along the high roads at great distances from any town, are called ventas, and are mostly built by government. (p. 378.)

[60] This pa.s.sage proves volumes for the honesty, judiciousness, and education of the author; for uneducated minds are fond of large numbers to create astonishment, but he takes the least number, while the so termed learned historians have not hesitated to employ ridiculous exaggerations. Gomara, for instance, says that 20,000 human beings were annually sacrificed to the idols within the circle of Cortes' conquests; according to others, 50,000. Herrera goes further, for he says that frequently from 5000 to 20,000 human beings were sacrificed in one day at Mexico and in the surrounding neighbourhood. (p. 388.)