Through Shot and Flame Part 29

It was true that some portions of this country were exhausted; but in general the Delegates from there thought that the war could still be continued for six months or a year. Still, there were some who related sad facts and who were not silent as to the sufferings of the women in that Republic. On the second morning this resolution was adopted:--

"That the Governments be requested through Lord Kitchener, to thank His Majesty the King of England and Her Majesty the Queen of Holland for their interposition in connection with the bringing about of peace negotiations, as appears from the correspondence between the said Governments, and to express their regret that His Majesty's Government had not adopted the suggestion of Her Majesty's Government, to give our Delegates in Europe, who still possess our fullest confidence, the opportunity of coming to the Republics, and also that Lord Kitchener has refused to accede to a similar request made by our Governments."

After this resolution had been adopted by the meeting, almost all the Delegates had given their reports on the condition of both States. The chairman then caused the letter, together with its annexures, which had been addressed by the Governments from Pretoria to the burghers in the veld, to be read. After that it became the duty of the Delegates to consider what was to be done.

In the letter sent by the Governments at Pretoria to the burghers it was stated that the British Government still adhered to the same proposals that they had made to General L. Botha at Middelburg on the 7th of March 1901. The British Government demanded that a general surrender should first take place, and if that were done they would grant the Boers certain privileges, and as soon as possible Self-Government.

The question now before the meeting was, whether the Representatives would accept this proposal of England, or--reject it and continue the war?

It was immediately evident that the meeting was, to express myself so, divided into two camps: the one forced to the conviction, that it was no longer possible to resist the inevitable; the other holding that the end had not yet come, and that, if England would negotiate upon no other basis than that which insisted upon the surrender of Independence, the war ought to be continued.

The Free State Delegates, with the exception of two or three, were with one accord of the latter opinion, whilst the majority of the whole a.s.sembly were convinced of the opposite. Among the Transvaalers there were some who had come to the meeting with the motto, "Independence, or else fight on!" But these, with the exception of six, came to the conclusion during the discussion that it was their duty for the sake of others to modify their views.

The reasons for ending the struggle, which were given by those Delegates who now declared that it could no longer be proceeded with, were more particularly the following:--

The country was, as already briefly indicated above, so devastated and exhausted by the burning and destruction of farms and villages, the removal of all cattle and sheep, the ruthless slaying of sheep, and destruction of grain of all sorts, that we were standing upon the threshold of a famine. It was further pointed out that horses were becoming more and more scarce, and what would the burghers signify without horses?

But it was the condition of the women, above all, that went to their hearts. The condition of the women was most pitiable. They were almost naked and suffered from hunger. They were exposed to dangers just at the times when the men had to retire before overwhelming odds, and thus had no protection just when they stood most in need of it. It was also shown that the commandos were becoming weaker and weaker, and that if in the future matters took the same course as in the past, nothing remained for us but certain destruction. Acting President Burger and Commandant-General Botha spoke in this strain. The former warned the leaders that they should not continue the war merely for the sake of their own honour, and that they had no right to sacrifice a nation to their own ambition. The latter said that he was not thinking of himself, when he declared that they could not continue the struggle. He himself could still go on, for his family was provided for. He had horses too; he wanted nothing. Besides, it was his earnest desire to continue the war. But he dared not think of himself only. Constantly the question arose in his mind, what would become of the People? and without intermission, a voice spoke within him that it was his duty now, whilst it was yet possible, to do the best he could for his People. He also referred to the fact that it had been repeatedly declared that we should continue to the "bitter end." He would ask _where_ that bitter end was?

Would it be reached when the last man lay in his grave or had been banished, or had it been reached when the nation had striven until it could do so no longer? General de la Rey, too, spoke in the same spirit.

He could still continue, he declared. His commandos were still able to continue the struggle, but this many others could not do--and if all could not do it, then a portion could not. From all that he had heard at the meeting he had come to the mournful conclusion that the war should be discontinued. He also referred to what had been said as to enduring to the end. "Fight to the bitter end?" he asked, addressing the meeting,--"do you say that? _But has the bitter end not come?_ Each one of you must decide that question for himself."

With regard to the expectations we had of the Cape Colony, these evaporated when General s.m.u.ts said that there was no possibility in the Cape Colony of a general revolt. He declared that everything possible had been done there. The Colonists could not have done more than they had done, but a general rising was, for various reasons, impossible. If, therefore, a reason for continuing the struggle in the Republics themselves did not exist any longer, it would be idle to go and seek it in the Cape Colony.

The Delegates on the other side did not deny that the condition of things was appalling, and that there was great distress everywhere; that especially the sufferings of the women were so great that one could not think of it without danger of becoming weak and despondent, and that there were large portions of the country that had become entirely exhausted. But it was argued that this was also the case, or at least had been said to be the case, a year ago, when General s.m.u.ts, the State-Attorney, had in his telegram to our Deputation in Europe described the condition of the country as being most dreadful. Then also it had been said by many that through want of ammunition, and of other things absolutely necessary for the continuance of the war, we could fight no longer; and yet the struggle had been continued after that for twelve months.

With respect to what had been said concerning the districts which would have to be abandoned, it was urged that in the Free State there were portions which had been entirely destroyed and consequently abandoned; but these had nevertheless later on been again inhabited and supplied with cattle. And then it was asked, whether the war had not been begun in faith, and whether it could not be carried through in the same faith?

General de Wet spoke in this strain. He pointed with earnestness to the fact that times of depression had been surmounted in the past, and that they should be surmounted again. If there were those who could not provide for themselves, then it was the duty of the meeting to do so for them, and to continue the war.

Referring to the charge made by some, that those who wished to continue the war did not take facts into consideration, he said that he had nothing to do with facts, it was a war of faith; he had to concern himself with _a fact only when he had to clear it out of the way_.

And yet, it was these facts that were constantly being pointed at. They were declared to be insurmountable. Many advised those who wished to continue the war, to consult not only their hearts but their common sense, and if they did this they would see what G.o.d's purpose with us in this war was. One Delegate said that the war had been commenced with prayer and with the Mauser, and, he asked, what had been G.o.d's answer to this prayer? "Can you not see," he continued, "that the hand of G.o.d is stretched out against us?"

The Middleburg proposals then were before the meeting. The question now was, what the meeting was going to do in regard to those proposals? It was soon evident that the Delegates were not prepared to accept them, and were of opinion that before deciding another endeavour should be made to see whether the British Government was not inclined to conclude peace upon some other basis, a basis which would not exclude the Independence of the two States. It had, however, become plain to all that, as matters then stood, the People could not expect to have the same measure of Independence which they had enjoyed before the war, and the Delegates felt that they would have to concede and surrender much.

The State-Secretary, Mr. F. W. Reitz, had suggested what might be surrendered. We could, he said, agree to the surrender of a portion of our territory--the goldfields and Zwasieland, for instance. We could relinquish our foreign policy. We could even agree to an English protectorate. There were those who were opposed to this idea, yet it seemed that Mr. Reitz's view was in accordance with the sentiments of the meeting, and several members expressed themselves to the same effect.

I have now briefly summed up, and arranged in order, what was discussed by the Representatives of the People at Vereeniging. I have now in this chapter only to add that on the third day of the meeting, on Sat.u.r.day, 17th May, two resolutions were adopted. The first empowered both Governments to conclude peace on this basis:--

The retention of a limited Independence, with the power to offer, over and above what had already been offered, by both Governments in their negotiations of 15th April 1902--

1. The relinquishment of foreign relations and emba.s.sies.

2. The acceptance of the protectorate of Great Britain.

3. The surrender of a portion of the territory of the South African Republic.

4. The conclusion of a defensive treaty with Great Britain with regard to South Africa.

The second proposal authorised the Governments to appoint a commission to negotiate with Lord Kitchener on any subject that might lead to a satisfactory peace, and to submit, through the Governments, the result of their labours to the meeting for ratification.

Shortly after these two resolutions had been agreed to the meeting was closed with prayer, and adjourned until the report of the commission was handed in.

Immediately after the close of the meeting the Governments met in the tents of President Steyn, who had been too weak to be present except at two of the sessions, and they nominated the Generals L. Botha, C. R. de Wet, J. H. de la Rey, J. C. s.m.u.ts, and Judge J. B. M. Hertzog as the commission to negotiate at Pretoria. The following day a service was held in the large tent, and those present were addressed on the striking words of Paul: "I am not speaking falsely, and my conscience, enlightened by the Holy Spirit, bears me out when I say that I am greatly pained, and that my heart is never free from sorrow. I could wish that I were accursed, and severed from the Christ, for the sake of my brothers--my own countrymen" (Rom. ix. 1-3).--_The Twentieth Century New Testament._

In alluding to this divine service, I may also note that every morning a prayer-meeting, and every evening a short service, was held during the whole time that the Representatives of the People were at Vereeniging; and thus the People remained faithful to the last to that spirit which since and before the days of Sarel Celliers had inspired the Africander nation. The G.o.d of their fathers was not forgotten. Their posterity also said of that Lord, "G.o.d is our refuge and our strength." In the afternoon the Governments received a reply from Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner that the request of the Delegates for a conference was acceded to, and that the commission could come to Pretoria.

The commission left about sunset, and arrived at Pretoria at about nine o'clock.

CHAPTER IV

SWIMMING AGAINST THE STREAM

On Monday morning, the 19th of May 1902, the commission met early, and wrote a letter, intended to be read to Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner, in which the desire of the Representatives of the People was explained.

As the committee was empowered to negotiate with the British Government as to any subject that might lead to peace, they also now discussed the question, what, in case the desire of the Delegates were not acceded to, the terms should be on which peace could be concluded. The following points were thereupon taken down:--

1. A date to be fixed for the establishment of responsible government.

2. All burghers of both Republics to retain the franchise, and this right to vote to be further regulated on the basis of the existing franchise law of the Cape Colony. And the electoral divisions to be fixed more or less in accordance with the number of electors.

3. All families and prisoners to be brought back to their dwellings, as soon as arrangement could possibly be made for their conveyance, as indicated in Lord Kitchener's letter of the 7th of March 1901.

4. Both the Dutch and English languages to have the same rights.

5. Payment to be made

(_a_) Of Government notes of the South African Republic issued during the war.

(_b_) Of all receipts given according to the custom of the Republics, for goods, etc., requisitioned for the use of the commandos.

(_c_) Of all direct damage caused to burghers in connection with military operations.

6. The legal status of coloured persons to be the same as in the Cape Colony, and no right to vote to be given to them before responsible government shall have been introduced here under the laws to be adopted by the future Parliaments. All native tribes within and on the borders of both Republics to be disarmed immediately after the conclusion of peace.

7. Amnesty to be granted for all acts done in connection with the war by burghers of both Republics and of the Colonies, and no accounts to be demanded from officers of State monies spent during the war for military purposes.

8. Cessation of hostilities to be arranged with the chief officers.

At ten o'clock the commission was invited to the dwelling of Lord Kitchener. Immediately on their arrival in the hall, where both Governments had a month previously negotiated with the British Government, Lord Kitchener and Lord Milner made their appearance, and seats were taken at the table.

General L. Botha began by saying that, although the negotiations had lasted longer than had been expected, he could give the a.s.surance that the burghers were acting in good faith, and that everything was done with the earnest desire to bring about peace.