A History of China Part 26

p. 72: The description of the gentry is based upon my own research.

Other scholars define the word "gentry", if applied to China, differently (some of the relevant studies are discussed in my note in the _Bull. School of Orient. & African Studies_, 1955, p. 373 f.).

p. 73: The theory of the cycle of mobility has been brought forth by Fr.

L.K. Hsu and others. I have based my criticism upon a forthcoming study of _Social Mobility in Traditional Chinese Society_. The basic point is not the momentary economic or political power of such a family, but the social status of the family (_Li-s.h.i.+h yen-chiu_, Peking 1955, No. 4, p.

122). The social status was, increasingly, defined and fixed by law (Ch'u T'ung-tsu).--The difference in the size of gentry and other families has been pointed out by a number of scholars such as Fr. L.K.

Hsu, H.T. Fei, O. Lang. My own research seems to indicate that gentry families, on the average, married earlier than other families.

p. 74: The Han system of examinations or rather of selection has been studied by Yang Lien-sheng; and a.n.a.lysis of the social origin of candidates has been made in the _Bull. Chinese Studies_, vol. 2, 1941, and 3, 1942.--The meaning of the term "Hundred Families" has been discussed by W. Eichhorn, Kuo Mo-jo, Ch'en Meng-chia and especially by Hsu T'ung-hsin. It was later also a fiscal term.

p. 75: The a.n.a.lysis of Hsiung-nu society is based mainly upon my own research. There is no satisfactory history of these northern federations available in English. The compilation of W.M. MacGovern, _The Early Empires of Central Asia_, Chapel Hill 1939, is now quite antiquated.--An attempt to construct a model of Central Asian nomadic social structure has been made by E.E. Bacon, _Obok, a Study of Social Structure in Eurasia_, New York 1958, but the model constructed by B. Vladimirtsov and modified by O. Lattimore remains valuable.--For origin and early-development of Hsiung-nu society see O. Maenchen, K. Jettmar, B.

Bernstam, Uchida Gimpu and many others.

p. 79: Material on the "cla.s.ses" (_sz[)u] min_) will be found in a forthcoming book. Studies by Ch'u T'ung-tsu and Tamai Korehiro are important here. An up-to-date history of Chinese education is still a desideratum.

p. 80: For Tung Chung-shu, I rely mainly upon O. Franke.--Some scholars do not accept this "double standard", although we have clear texts which show that cases were evaluated on the basis of Confucian texts and not on the basis of laws. In fact, local judges probably only in exceptional cases knew the text of the law or had the code. They judged on the basis of "customary law".

p. 81: Based mainly upon my own research. K.A. Wittfogel, _Oriental Despotism_, New Haven 1957, has a different interpretation.

p. 82: Cases in which the Han emperors disregarded the law code were studied by Y. Hisamura.--I have used here studies published in the _Bull, of Chinese Studies_, vol. 2 and 3 and in _Toyo gakuho_, vol. 8 and 9, in addition to my own research.

p. 85: On local administration see Kat[=o] s.h.i.+geru and Yen Keng-w.a.n.g's studies.

p. 86: The problem of the Chinese gold, which will be touched upon later again, has gained theoretical interest, because it could be used as a test of M. Lombard's theories concerning the importance of gold in the West (_Annales, Economies, Societes, Civilisations_, vol. 12, Paris 1957, No. 1, p. 7-28). It was used in China from c. 600 B.C. on in form of coins or bars, but disappeared almost completely from A.D. 200 on, i.e. the period of economic decline (see L.S. Yang, Kat[=o]

s.h.i.+geru).--The payment to border tribes occurs many times again in Chinese history down to recent times; it has its parallel in British payments to tribes in the North-West Frontier Province in India which continued even after the Independence.

p. 88: According to later sources, one third of the tributary gifts was used in the Imperial ancestor temples, one third in the Imperial mausolea, but one third was used as gifts to guests of the Emperor.--The trade aspect of the tributes was first pointed but by E. Parker, later by O. Lattimore, recently by J.K. Fairbank.--The importance of Chang Ch'ien for East-West contacts was systematically studied by B. Laufer; his _Sino-Iranica_, Chicago 1919 is still a cla.s.sic.

p. 89: The most important trait which points to foreign trade, is the occurrence of gla.s.s in Chinese tombs in Indo-China and of gla.s.s in China proper from the fifth century B.C. on; it is a.s.sumed that this gla.s.s was imported from the Near East, possibly from Egypt (O. Janse, N. Egami, Seligman).

p. 91: Large parts of the "Discussions" have been translated by Esson M.

Gale, _Discourses on Salt and Iron_, Leiden 1931; the continuation of this translation is in _Jour. Royal As. Society, North-China Branch_ 1934.--The history of eunuchs in China remains to be written. They were known since at least the seventh century B.C. The hypothesis has been made that this custom had its origin in Asia Minor and spread from there (R.F. Spencer in _Ciba Symposia_, vol. 8, No. 7, 1946 with references).

p. 92: The main source on w.a.n.g Mang is translated by C.B. Sargent, _w.a.n.g Mang, a translation_, Shanghai 1950 and H.H. Dubs, _History of the Former Han Dynasty_, vol, 3, Baltimore 1955.

p. 93: This evaluation of the "Old character school" is not generally accepted. A quite different view is represented by Tjan Tjoe Som and R.P. Kramers and others who regard the differences between the schools as of a philological and not a political kind. I follow here most strongly the Chinese school as represented by Ku Chieh-kang and his friends, and my own studies.

p. 93: Falsification of texts refers to changes in the Tso-chuan. My interpretation relies again upon Ku Chieh-kang, and j.a.panese astronomical studies (Ijima Tadao), but others, too, admit falsifications (H.H. Dubs); B. Karlgren and others regard the book as in its main body genuine. The other text mentioned here is the _Chou-li_ which is certainly not written by w.a.n.g Mang (_Jung-chai Hsu-pi_ 16), but heavily mis-used by him (in general see S. Uno).

p. 94: I am influenced here by some of H.H. Dubs's studies. For this and the following period, the work by H. Bielenstein, _The Restoration of the Han Dynasty_, Stockholm 1953 and 1959 is the best monograph.--The "equalization offices" and their influence upon modern United States has been studied by B. Bodde in the _Far Eastern Quarterly_, vol. 5, 1946.

p. 95: H. Bielenstein regards a great flood as one of the main reasons for the breakdown of w.a.n.g Mang's rule.

p. 98: For the understanding of Chinese military colonies in Central Asia as well as for the understanding of military organization, civil administration and business, the studies of Lao Kan on texts excavated in Central Asia and Kansu are of greatest importance.

p. 101: Mazdaistic elements in this rebellion have been mentioned mainly by H.H. Dubs. Zoroastrism (Zoroaster born 569 B.C.) and Mazdaism were eminently "political" religions from their very beginning on. Most scholars admit the presence of Mazdaism in China only from 519 on (Is.h.i.+da Mikinosuke, O. Franke). Dubs's theory can be strengthened by astronomical material.--The basic religious text of this group, the "Book of the Great Peace" has been studied by W. Eichhorn Maspero and Ho Ch'ang-ch'un.

p. 102: For the "church" I rely mainly upon H. Maspero and W. Eichhorn.

p. 103: I use here concepts developed by Cheng Chen-to and especially by Jung Chao-tsu.

p. 104: w.a.n.g Ch'ung's importance has recently been mentioned again by J.

Needham.

p. 105: These "court poets" have their direct parallel in Western Asia.

This trend, however, did not become typical in China.--On the general history of paper read A. Kroeber, _Anthropology_, New York 1948, p.

490f., and Dard Hunter, _Paper Making_, New York 1947 (2nd ed.).

_Chapter Seven_

p. 109: The main historical sources for this period have been translated by Achilles Fang, _The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms_, Cambridge, Ma.s.s. 1952; the epic which describes this time is C.H. Brewitt-Taylor, _San Kuo, or Romance of the Three Kingdoms_, Shanghai 1925.

p. 112: For problems of migration and settlement in the South, we relied in part upon research by Ch'en Yuan and w.a.n.g Yi-t'ung.

p. 114: For the history of the Hsiung-nu I am relying mainly upon my own studies.

p. 117: This a.n.a.lysis of tribal structure is based mainly upon my own research; it differs in detail from the studies by E. Bacon, _Obok, a Study of Social Structure in Eurasia_, New York 1958, B. Vladimirtsov, O. Lattimore's _Inner Asian Frontiers of China_, New York 1951 (2nd edit.) and the studies by L.M.J. Schram, _The Monguors of the Kansu-Tibetan Frontier_, Philadelphia 1954 and 1957.

p. 118: The use of the word "Huns" does not imply that we identify the early or the late Hsiung-nu with the European Huns. This question is still very much under discussion (O. Maenchen, W. Haussig, W. Henning, and others).

p. 119: For the history of the early Hsien-pi states see the monograph by G. Schreiber, "The History of the Former Yen Dynasty", in _Monomenta Serica_, vol. 14 and 15 (1949-56). For all translations from Chinese Dynastic Histories of the period between 220 and 960 the _Catalogue of Translations from the Chinese Dynastic Histories for the Period 220-960_, by Hans H. Frankel, Berkeley 1957, is a reliable guide.

p. 125: For the description of conditions in Turkestan, especially in Tunhuang, I rely upon my own studies, but studies by A. von Gabein, L.

Ligeti, J.R. Ware, O. Franke and Tsukamoto Zenry have been used, too.

p. 133: These songs have first been studied by Hu s.h.i.+h, later by Chinese folklorists.

p. 134: For problems of Chinese Buddhism see Arthur F. Wright, _Buddhism in Chinese History_, Stanford 1959, with further bibliography. I have used for this and later periods, in addition to my own sociological studies, R. Michihata, J. Gernet, and Tamai Korehiro.--It is interesting that the rise of landowning temples in India occurred at exactly the same time (R.S. Sharma in _Journ. Econ. and Soc. Hist. Orient_, vol. 1, 1958, p. 316). Perhaps even more interesting, but still unstudied, is the existence of Buddhist temples in India which owned land and villages which were donated by contributions from China.--For the use of foreign monks in Chinese bureaucracies, I have used M. Weber's theory as an interpretative tool.

p. 135: The important deities of Khotan Buddhism are Vai['s]ramana and Kubera, (research by P. Demieville, R. Stein and others).--Where, how, and why Hinayana and Mahayana developed as separate sects, is not yet studied. Also, a sociological a.n.a.lysis of the different Buddhist sects in China has not even been attempted yet.

p. 136: Such public religious disputations were known also in India.

p. 137: a.n.a.lysis of the tribal names has been made by L. Bazin.

pp. 138-9: The personality type which was the ideal of the Toba corresponded closely to the type described by G. Geesemann, _Heroische Lebensform_, Berlin 1943.

p. 142: The Toba occur in contemporary Western sources as Tabar, Tabgac, Tafkac and similar names. The ethnic name also occurs as a t.i.tle (O.

Pritsak, P. Pelliot, W. Haussig and others).--On the _chun-t'ien_ system cf. the article by Wan Kuo-ting in E-tu Zen Sun, _Chinese Social History_, Was.h.i.+ngton 1956, p. 157-184. I also used Yos.h.i.+mi Matsumoto and T'ang Ch'ang-ju.--Census fragments from Tunhuang have been published by L. Giles, Niida n.o.boru and other j.a.panese scholars.

p. 143: On slaves for the earlier time see M. Wilbur, _Slavery in China during the Former Han Dynasty_, Chicago 1943. For our period w.a.n.g Yi-t'ung and especially Niida n.o.boru and Ch'u T'ung-tsu. I used for this discussion Niida, Ch'u and Tamai Korehiro.--For the _pu-ch'u_ I used in addition Yang Chung-i, H. Maspero, E. Balazs, W. Eichhorn. Yang's article is translated in E-tu Zen Sun's book, _Chinese Social History_, pp. 142-56.--The question of slaves and their importance in Chinese society has always been given much attention by Chinese Communist authors. I believe that a clear distinction between slaves and serfs is very important.

p. 145: The political use of Buddhism has been a.s.serted for j.a.pan as well as for Korea and Tibet (H. Hoffmann, _Quellen zur Geschichte der tibetischen Bon-Religion_, Mainz 1950, p. 220 f.). A case could be made for Burma. In China, Buddhism was later again used as a tool by rulers (see below).

p. 146: The first text in which such problems of state versus church are mentioned is Mou Tz[)u] (P. Pelliot transl.). More recently, some of the problems have been studied by R. Michihata and E. Zurcher. Michihata also studied the temple slaves. Temple families were slightly different.

They have been studied mainly by R. Michihata, J. Gernet and w.a.n.g Yi-t'ung. The information on T'an-yao is mainly in _Wei-shu_ 114 (transl. J. Ware).--The best work on Yun-kang is now Seiichi Mizuno and Tos.h.i.+o Nagahiro, _Yun-kang. The Buddhist Cave-Temples of the Fifth Century A.D. in North China_, Kyoto 1951-6, thus far 16 volumes. For Chinese Buddhist art, the work by Tokiwa Daijo and Sekino Tadas.h.i.+, _Chinese Buddhist Monuments_, Tokyo 1926-38, 5 volumes, is most profusely ill.u.s.trated.--As a general reader for the whole of Chinese art, Alexander Soper and L. Sickman's _The Art and Architecture of China_, Baltimore 1956 may be consulted.

p, 147: Zenry Tsukamoto has a.n.a.lysed one such popular, revolutionary Buddhist text from the fifth century A.D. I rely here for the whole chapter mainly upon my own research.