Nuts for Future Historians to Crack Part 9

Shall all merit be levelled into one common ma.s.s of calculating selfishness? For such must be the effect, if General Joseph Reed is to occupy a niche of glory in the same temple with George Was.h.i.+ngton. But there is no moral crucible to melt down such deeds into a general and indiscriminate ma.s.s. Truth revolts from such profanation. Justice spurns the contamination. Nature herself rises up in arms against the thought, as doing violence to all her holiest sympathies; her purest heart-throbs, her n.o.blest aspirations. G.o.d himself denounces the impiety.

Having demonstrated the importance of the revelations of "Valley Forge" to the truth and accuracy of history--of that history, in which we are all so intensely interested--as belonging to the fame of the fathers, and as destined for an inheritance to our children, to the end of time--it remains to consider how the editor of the Evening Journal, in giving publicity to corroborative materials for history, has merited that torrent of scurrility, that has been vomited upon him from the sympathisers in the royal cause of George the Third--who, even up to this day, still retain in their veins, the poison of tory blood! "Valley Forge" makes no _fresh_ charge against the tories of 1776. He but deals in specifications of treasonable designs, common to every history of our Revolution, and to be found in every life of George Was.h.i.+ngton. If he has ventured on the daring task of committing fabrications of letters from General Smith to Colonel ----, he has perpetrated _supererogatory_ crime, for no sensible purpose--for all that General Smith's letters told us, we knew before, as notorious facts of history. For this reason, we do not believe he has committed "forgery"--from the mere love of crime, or any other motive. If, then, the sympathisers in the Royal cause, are so offended by these letters, as to pour forth the phials of their wrath upon the editor of this paper, it must be from some other motive than virtuous sensibility or wounded patriotism. But this is not all. What was the character--what the tendency of the letters of "Valley Forge" who has unquestionably committed a deep injury, in maintaining his anonymous character, and failing to redeem "his gage," thrown down with so much defiance to Mr. Spear Smith--what, we say, was the tendency of his letters? It was laudable, n.o.ble, exemplary. It was to vindicate Was.h.i.+ngton, and his co-patriots, from all suspicion of being a.s.sociated with General Joseph Reed, the secret royalist--the wavering tory--all which he is known to be, on the authority of Cadwalader, as well as Was.h.i.+ngton himself--from all suspicion of being a.s.sociated, we say, with Reed as _a friend_--a bosom, and confidental[TN]

friend. Their direct tendency is, to exalt the patriots of the Revolution, and to depress those English spies in the American uniform, who correspond in cypher, with the royal commissioners, and sought to sell the liberties of their country, for a price, at the very crisis of her fate. And what reply is made to "Valley Forge?" Do the parties criminated, defend their ancestor? No.--Do they question the truth of history? No.--But they charge "Valley Forge," with fabrication. Yet, if he be guilty, does it make Reed innocent? No.--Then why not defend themselves?

VALLEY FORGE.

_October, 31st,_

We give another communication to-day, from the writer of the articles under this signature. We are satisfied that Valley Forge is what he represents himself to be--that he is sincere, honest, and will, as soon as circ.u.mstances will permit, establish the authenticity of every doc.u.ment he has furnished for publication. We shall refrain from pus.h.i.+ng our searches any further, for the purpose of discovering the person of Valley Forge, for the good reason that we are satisfied that we know him already. On comparing the note of the 14th inst., to us, written evidently by Valley Forge himself, but in a disguised hand, with a letter of a recent date, in the natural handwriting of the person who we believe a.s.sumes that name, there are innumerable evidences that most clearly establish his ident.i.ty, satisfactorily to us.

A word to our enemies now. Let them go on and pour forth their malice, give full vent to their venom, and pile obloquy, mountain high; we regard it as the idle wind, that pa.s.seth by and harmeth not. We have long been accustomed to be traduced and slandered. For making the exposition of the mal-appropriation of the money of the Bank of the United States, by Mr.

Biddle, the first that was ever made, we brought down on our head the whole weight of the power of that inst.i.tution and its legions of friends and supporters. We were charged with having perjured ourselves in that matter.

And what has become of that charge now? No one believes it. We have triumphed over all the allegations made against us in the matter, and thousands of individuals are left to weep now, because they did not believe, and act on our testimony at the time it was given.

So in the present case, we are charged with publis.h.i.+ng forged letters, and even with forging them ourselves. But on what authority? Why, on the a.s.sertion of Mr. John Spear Smith, of Baltimore, made, we do not doubt, in all sincerity, but evidently hastily, and without giving a single reason for his coming to that conclusion.

We do not entertain a single apprehenson[TN] but that in this case, every thing will very soon come out right, and that we shall triumph over our enemies and their slanders, as we did in the affair of the Bank of the United States. _Nous Verrons._

FOOTNOTES:

[A] Reed always said that this reply was the joint protection of Benj.

Rush, Dr Wm. Smith and Gen. John Cadwalader.

[B] See Gov. Johnstone's speech in the House of Commons, March, 9th, 1779, to be found in the Philadelphia Library in a volume of the Pennsylvania Packet, February 20th, 1779, No. 384.

[C] Mrs. Ferguson's letter will be found in the same volume in the Numbers for February 20th, and March 9th.

[D] Here the following anecdote will afford an occasion of recriminating.

When Mr. Reed was proposed as a Brigadier in the army, Mr. John Adams, now our minister in Holland, openly objected, in Congress, to his appointment, saying he was of a factious spirit, and had been notoriously instrumental in fomenting discords between the troops of the different States.

[E] When Mr. Ingersoll waited on me with General Reed's first letter, 9th of September last, I mentioned to him the situation of my family, and the necessity of my leaving the city. This has been candidly related by Mr.

Ingersoll to Mr. Reed, as appears by the following extract from his letter, in answer to mine on the 17th of March, on this subject.

_Extract from Mr. Ingersoll's letter, dated Philadelphia, 8th March, 1783._

"The conversation that pa.s.sed, I reported with candour, and I believe with precision, but still supposed, that the reply from General Reed would be founded entirely upon your answer.

Your declaration, with respect to your intention of leaving town, I think I can repeat in nearly the words in which you expressed yourself.

"After discoursing upon the subject of the letter I had put into your hands, you mentioned to me that your furniture was packed up to go to Maryland; that you had been waiting for rain to lay the dust, and that if anything was to come of this business, it must be _speedily_.

"I ENDEAVOUR to give the _words_ used,--I certainly do not deviate from the _purport_ of what was said."

This is not the least of the many _misrepresentations_ in which Mr. Reed is convicted in the course of my reply.

[F] Being called upon by General Cadwalader to recollect the conversation we had at the Coffee-House, in the fall of the year seventy-eight, when he related what had pa.s.sed between him and Mr. Reed at Bristol, I remember the subject corroborates with those queries I have since seen published in Mr.

Oswald's paper, of the 7th of September, 1782. I likewise remember giving him a hint, that some of Mr. Reed's friends were present, on which he repeated what he had related before, and then addressed himself to the gentlemen, and informed them, if any of Mr. Reed's friends were present, they were at liberty to make what use they pleased of it.

THOMAS PRYOR.

_Philadelphia, March 8, 1783._

[G] See Gen. Reed's Address to the Public, pages 24, 25.

[H] As a proof of my having made this declaration, and the occasion of it, I offer the following letter:

DEAR SIR:--I have, at your request, charged my recollection with what fell from you, in the hearing of myself and several others, at the trial of Mr.

William Hamilton, on the subject of Mr. Reed, who a.s.sisted the prosecution; it was in terms to this effect; that it indicated the extremity of baseness in him, to attempt to destroy another for taking the very step he had once lifted his own foot to take. This, at the instant, made a deeper impression me, as having never till then, though living in the closest intimacy, heard you drop the most distant hint of any intended defection of Mr. Reed, of which I myself had no suspicion.

Your humble servant, GEORGE CLYMER.

_March 2d, 1783._ General Cadwalader.

[I] If the countryman was sent, as he insinuated, for intelligence, and not for a protection for Mr. Reed and his friend, is it not very extraordinary, in a case of this nature, after the man had so narrowly escaped with his life, that no circ.u.mstance relating to so delicate an affair, (transacted in so private a manner) should ever have come to my knowledge, till I heard this testimony from Major Lennox?

I will venture to say that no officer of the army, at that critical period, would have risked his reputation, though he had afforded no cause to suspect his firmness, by instructing a spy to apply for a protection for him, with a view of gaining intelligence, without mentioning it to his commanding officer before the transaction. But in the instance before us, it is worthy notice, that in so critical a situation of public affairs, Mr.

Reed, knowing how dangerous such a plea as the messenger had used might prove to his reputation, in the hands of the enemy, should not have endeavoured to obviate such a tale, by mentioning the circ.u.mstance to the commanding officer at Bristol, who might have vouched for his innocence, in case Donop should attempt to injure him afterwards.

[J] I have ample proofs of Mr. Ellis's attachment to the enemy, which may be produced, if necessary.

[K]

_M'Kenney's Ferry, 25th December, 1776, 6 o'clock, P. M._

Dear Sir,--Notwithstanding the discouraging accounts I have received from Col. Reed, of what might be expected from the operations below, I am determined, as the night is favourable, to cross the river, and make the attack on Trenton in the morning. If you can do nothing real, at least create as great a diversion as possible.

I am, sir, your most obedient servant,

GEO. WAs.h.i.+NGTON.

[L] The following extracts from General Reed's letter to his Excellency the President and the Honorable the Executive Council of the State of Pennsylvania, dated Philadelphia, 22d July, 1777, a.s.signing his reasons for not accepting the office of Chief Justice, may serve to prove his opinions of the const.i.tution at that time. "If there is any radical weakness of authority proceeding from the Const.i.tution; if in any respects it opposes the genius, temper or habits of the governed, _I fear, unless a remedy can be provided, in less than seven years, government will sink in a spiritless langour, or expire in a sudden_ CONVULSION. It would be foreign to my present purpose to suggest any of those _alterations_, which, in my _apprehension are necessary_ to enable the const.i.tution to support itself with _dignity_ and _efficiency_, and its friends with _security_. _That some are necessary I cannot entertain the least doubt._ With this sentiment, I feel an _insuperable difficulty_ to enter into an engagement of the _most solemn nature_, leading to the _support_ and _confirmation_ of an entire system of government, which I cannot wholly _approve_." Again, "the dispensation from this engagement,[M] first allowed to several members of the a.s.sembly, and afterwards to the militia officers, has added to my _difficulties_, as I cannot reconcile it to my ideas of propriety, the members of the same state being under different obligations to support and enforce its authority." But he adds, "If the sense of the people who have the right of decision, leads to some alterations, I firmly believe it will conduce to our happiness and security; if otherwise, I shall esteem it my duty, not only to acquiesce, but to support as far as lays in my power, a form of government confirmed and sanctified by the voice of the people."

Here, then, he says, "he feels an _insuperable difficulty_ to enter into an engagement of the most solemn nature, leading to the support and confirmation of an entire system of government, which he cannot wholly _approve_; but he shall think it his duty to acquiesce, and support the government,--if confirmed and sanctified by the voice of the people." How inconsistent, then, must his conduct appear, when it is notorious, that he took a decided part in support of government, accepted of his seat in Council, and afterwards the Presidency, long before the sense of the people was expressd[TN] by the _fabricated instructions_ to the members of a.s.sembly, requiring them to rescind the resolution for calling a convention for the purpose of revising the const.i.tution. And yet he says, in the 27th page of his pamphlet, he "so effectually vindicated every part of his conduct, that every gentleman present, (myself excepted,) acknowledged his mistake."

These were the ostensible reasons for not accepting the Chief Justices.h.i.+p, and taking the oath of office; but an oath of another kind, no doubt, induced him to decline this appointment. He had not taken the oath of allegiance which the law, (pa.s.sed the 13th June, 1777,) required of every male white inhabitant; nor did he take it, as appears by the publication signed Sidney, in the Pennsylvania Journal, No. 1565, 12th February, 1783,) till the 9th of October, 1778, which was the very day he was elected a Councillor for the County of Philadelphia. And though disfranchised of all the rights of citizens.h.i.+p, and incapable of being elected into, or serving in any office, place, or trust, in this commonwealth, Mr. Reed dared to disregard the voice of the people, and violate the law, by accepting the Presidency, and exercising the powers of government annexed to that office.

If he had taken the oath of allegiance, agreeable to law, why did he take it _again_, on the day he was elected a councillor? as the mere oath of office only, upon that occasion, would have been required of him.

As Mr. Reed has not touched this point in his pamphlet, or furnished his friends with a single argument to defend him, against a charge supported by authentic proofs from public records, the public have very justly p.r.o.nounced him guilty. If certificates can be produced of his oaths of abjuration and allegiance, agreeable to law, why have they not been published? If he is not defranchised[TN] of the rights of citizens.h.i.+p, why was his vote refused at the last election? or is this one of the subjects reserved for "_legal examination_?" and if so, why does he not suspend the public opinion by such information?

[M] _By the "dispensation from this engagement," above mentioned, is meant, that the oath prescribed by the const.i.tution was dispensed with, and many members of a.s.sembly were permitted to take another oath, in which they were not bound to support the const.i.tution._

[N] That this opinion was not entertained by Congress, may reasonably be inferred from the following letter:

_"Philadelphia, 12th September, 1778._

"SIR,--His excellency, General Was.h.i.+ngton, having recommended to Congress the appointment of a General of horse, the House took that subject under consideration the 10th instant, when you were unanimously elected Brigadier and commander of the cavalry in the service of the United States.

"From the general view above mentioned, you will perceive, sir, the earnest desire of the house, that you will accept a commission, and enter as early as your convenience will admit of, upon the duties of the office; and I flatter myself with hopes of congratulating you in a few days upon this occasion.

"I have the honour to be, with particular regard and esteem, sir, your most humble servant,