A Review of Uncle Tom's Cabin Part 3

It is no part of my design to offer apologies for, or by any means to conceal the faults of Southern slaveholders. But the reading of Uncle Tom's Cabin, has indelibly fixed the impression on my mind that Mrs.

Stowe's narrative is false. The question is, whether such, or similar occurrences, are _common_ among Southern slaveholders. If they had been _rare_, she had no right to make the impression on the whole civilized world, that they are every-day occurrences. Nor had she any right unless she had been an eye witness of the leading facts detailed in her story, to publish a book which presents her country in such an ign.o.ble att.i.tude before the world; she had no right to base such calumnious charges on heresay, rumor, or common report. I shall proceed to show that her tale is improbable, and that it is likely that no such transactions as are detailed in her story, ever have transpired among Southern slaveholders.

It is doubtful whether one hundreth part of what hag been published in abolition papers, during the last fifty years, in regard to Southern slavery, is true; and those who have received their impressions of African slavery in the South, from that source, are utterly incapable of expressing correct opinions on the subject. It was never the intention of abolition writers, to publish the truth on any subject, having reference to the Southern section of the United States. Their object was to make false impressions on the minds of Northern men, and thereby to originate and sustain a party, from whom, they expected to derive certain benefits. They worked for pay. Many years ago, I stepped into a court-house, in a small town in Tennessee, and immediately after I had seated myself, a lawyer arose, and made a very vehement speech in favor of some scape-gallows who was arraigned before the court. After he had taken his seat, another gentleman of the bar arose, and replied to him. The two gentlemen alternately speechified the judge and jury for several hours; after which the judge pa.s.sed sentence on the culprit, and the two lawyers left the court-house. As they pa.s.sed on in the direction of their residences, I overheard one remark to the other, "in the name of ----, how can a man stand up before the court, and lie as you did to-day." "Oh!" said the gentleman in reply, "I was well paid, I received a large fee, and could afford to lie." Some of the abolition editors, I presume, are well paid for their services. But to return to Uncle Tom's Cabin. No other mental culture is necessary, in order to qualify an individual to write such a book as Uncle Tom's Cabin, except the reading of novels and abolition papers. Mrs. Stowe, I have no doubt, is well read in both. And she has performed her task in a manner that has excited the wonder, and elicited the admiration and applause of millions!

Volumes of eulogiums have been lavished upon her! She is now the wonder and admiration of America, and a G.o.ddess in England; and woe to him who refuses to do her homage! This rare production bids fair to supplant the Bible in Sabbath Schools in some parts of our country!

What next? This is an age of wonders and humbugs. For aught we know, Jo. Smith's Bible, Uncle Tom's Cabin, and the spiritual rappers, may yet revolutionize our world. It is, however, difficult to tell, what is in the womb of the future; for many new wonders and marvelous revelations may yet spring up in the land of Yankeedom! Nothing is too hard for them. The word impossible, has no place in their vocabulary.

Having remarked, that I considered the narrative of Mrs. Stowe untrue; it now devolves on me to show the improbability of some of her statements. An old negro man, whom she calls Uncle Tom, is the hero of her tale. Uncle Tom was the servant of a gentlemen, by name Shelby, who resided in Kentucky. She represents this old negro, Uncle Tom, as a very remarkable character. She tells us that Tom was pious and honest; not simply so, indulgent reader, in the ordinary acceptation of these terms, but that he was really and truly a G.o.d-fearing man--a man of unimpeachable veracity, strict honesty, and ardent piety; above suspicion--above crime--a perfect man--a man of almost angelic purity.

We, moreover, learn from her narrative, that good old Tom, (G.o.d bless his soul and preserve his dust), was a kind of overseer on Shelby's farm; that to him was committed the oversight and supervision, of whatever pertained to Shelby's farming operations and interests. And as a proof of Shelby's implicit confidence in him, she states, that he sent Tom alone at one time, to Cincinnati on business, and that he returned home with five hundred dollars in his pocket. Tom, according to her account, was a great favorite, not only with his master, but also with his mistress and the entire family. Shelby's son George was devotedly attached to him.

We learn also from the narrative, that Tom was an old man, not less than forty-five, and probably fifty years of age. She tells us that Shelby had a son, by name George, who was thirteen years of age; and that Tom was seven years older than his master Shelby. Supposing that Shelby was twenty-five years of age when his son George was born; and that George was thirteen years of age, and that Tom was seven years older than his master, it stands thus: seven added to twenty-five make thirty-two, and thirteen added to thirty-two, make forty-five. But supposing that Shelby was thirty, when George was born, the result would be fifty.

From the narrative, we infer, that Shelby was in possession of many slaves; for Mrs. Stowe speaks of a dozen black children perched on the veranda railings at one time; and it is not presumable, that all the little boys and girls in his possession, would happen to be perched on the veranda railings at the same time; and these children must have had fathers and mothers, and many of them of course, brothers and sisters, who were men and women. She also tells us, that there were various negro cabins on the place; each cabin must have contained one family of negroes at least, if not more. She speaks of a couple of negro men who went with Haley, the trader, in search of Eliza and her child.

The labor on Shelby's farm was performed by slaves, and it is a fair supposition, that there were from fifty to seventy-five slaves on the farm. This is common through the states of Kentucky and Tennessee, and farther South it is no uncommon occurrence, to find from one hundred to five hundred slaves on the same farm, or otherwise in the possession of the same man.

Hence, we learn that Tom was an old man; that he nursed Shelby when an infant; that he was a trusty servant; that he had charge of everything about the place; that he was a pious man, and that Shelby entertained for him the kindest feelings; and that Mrs. Shelby was warmly attached to him; and that their son George's attachment to the good old servant knew no bounds; and that he was the husband of Aunt Chloe, the old cook; who, (by the by,) is always a great favorite in a Southern family. But strange as it may appear to those who have never read Uncle Tom's Cabin, Mrs. Stowe tells us, notwithstanding, that Shelby sold good old Tom to a negro trader; and that he was again sold to a gentleman in New Orleans, and that after the death of this gentleman, he was purchased by an inhumane wretch by the name of Legree.

This man Shelby, nevertheless, according to her tale, was a very gentlemanly, humane man. I suppose that she would have us to understand, that he was altogether a pretty fair character for the South.

I believe the statements of Mrs. Stowe to be untrue, for the following reasons. First, because Shelby had a number of slaves from whom he could select; and I know from personal observation, that it is a universal practice among slaveholders to sell their most worthless and vicious slaves to negro traders. If they are forced to sell such a negro as she represents Tom to be, some neighbor who is acquainted with the slave, will give a higher price for him than a negro trader will. A negro trader will give as much for a negro who is a rogue, as he will for one who is an honest man. The negro trader pays no attention to the character of a negro; for the very good reason that the character of the negro is unknown to those to whom he expects to sell. No representation or recommendation whatever, can have any influence with those to whom they sell. They know nothing about the character of the negroes whom they purchase, and they have no reliable means of learning anything about them. Tom was purchased in Kentucky and sold in New Orleans. Therefore, Haley, the negro trader, would not have given one dime more for Tom on account of his good qualities. But Mrs. Stowe tells us, that Shelby was indebted to Haley, and that he preferred to purchase Tom on account of his good qualities; and that Shelby expected a high price from him on that account. Haley would have given several hundred dollars more for a man who was about twenty-five years of age, than he would have given for poor old Tom; though the young man might have been as vile a rogue, as ever went unhung. No man of common sense can fail for one moment, to discover the truth and justness of the above reasoning. Thus we see that falsehood is indelibly stamped on Mrs. Stowe's narrative at the very outset. What is it that enhances the value of negroes in the estimation of the negro trader? And what is it that recommends them, or enhances their value in market? First, the age of the slave is taken into consideration. n.o.body will give as much for an old negro as he will for a young one in the prime of life. Tom was an old man, and Shelby had in his possession a number of young negroes. These facts alone stamp falsehood on the face of Mrs. Stowe's tale. Secondly, the physical force or power of the negro, and his apparent health, are taken into consideration. The purchaser, if he knows nothing about the qualities of negroes, will give the highest price for those (judging from appearances) that can perform the most labor. Now, is it reasonable to suppose, that a purchaser would have given as much for poor old Tom, as he would have given for a negro who was twenty-five or thirty years of age? There are from twenty to twenty-five years difference in the ages of the negroes, and there is a proportionate difference in their values. Reader, what do you suppose is the value of twenty years' labor in dollars and cents? Well, whatever it is, poor old Tom was precisely that amount less valuable, than many other negroes in the possession of Shelby; and yet Mrs. Stowe tells us that Shelby sold Tom, because he could get a higher price for him than any other negro in his possession. Why? Because of his good qualities. I have clearly and indisputably shown that Tom's good qualities did not enhance his value one cent with Haley. And at the same time, Tom was worth more to Shelby than any half dozen negroes on the farm. How absurd! Was a more barefaced, palpable, glaring and malicious falsehood ever fabricated? I am sorry that justice to my countrymen, my friends and my relatives, requires at my hands, an expose of this low, scurrilous production, ent.i.tled "Uncle Tom's Cabin." This is a fair sample of abolitionism. But I am not done with Uncle Tom. Mrs.

Stowe tells us that he was a great favorite with Mrs. Shelby, and Shelby knew of course that it would almost break his wife's heart, and that young master George would almost go beside himself; yet he sells poor old Tom to this infamous negro trader, notwithstanding! Ah!

"murder will out," and falsehood will out, likewise. The statements of Mrs. Stowe are inconsistent; they are sheer fabrications: the figments of a diseased brain.

I will again remark, that strictly honest, upright negroes, those remarkable for their good qualities, and those who are withal, negroes of more than ordinary value, are never sold to negro traders. The statement that Shelby was guilty of such an act, under the circ.u.mstances, as detailed in the preceding pages, is too absurd, too futile, too foolish to deceive or mislead any one who knows anything about the inst.i.tution of slavery in the South; or the customs, habits, or manners of slaveholders. The work, however, was prepared for those whoso minds were warped by prejudice, whose judgments were beclouded and perverted by sectional hatred and bigotry, and whose imaginations were bewildered and distempered by the reading of abolition publications and novels. To such it has proved a treat, yea, they have read it with avidity and delight.

Mrs. Stowe, presuming on the gullibility of her readers, has made other statements that I will notice. The wife of this very kind-hearted, humane and gentlemanly man, Shelby, had a maid-servant, by name Eliza; and Eliza had an only child; a very remarkable boy indeed! probably about five or six years of age; if there is any truth in her tale. Eliza was a delicate bright mulatto girl; a great favorite with her mistress; and her child of course a great favorite with the entire family. But, as if determined to break his wife's heart, Shelby sells Eliza's child also, to the negro trader, Haley.

Here is another, to say the least of it, very improbable statement. If Shelby was the man that she represents him, he would have sold the entire dozen woolly heads that were perched on the veranda railings, on the morning after the transaction, before he would have sold the only child of his wife's maid-servant. The estimation in which maid-servants and their children are held by Southern ladies, is probably unknown to most of my Northern readers. Unless driven to it by dire necessity, a Southern gentleman would almost as soon part with his own children, as with his wife's maid-servant, or her children, except for crime. Eliza is represented by Mrs. Stowe as all perfection and beauty, and her darling boy as a little angel.

Maid-servants occupy a position in Southern families far above that of any other cla.s.s of servants; but little below the white members of the family. I resided forty-four years in the Southern States, and it is with pride that I record the fact, that a Southern gentleman would dispose of anything--everything--carriages, horses, stocks, tenements and lands, before he would dispose of such servants as Uncle Tom, and his wife's maid-servant's child, and thereby break his wife's heart.

No! far be it from Southern men; their wives are their all; and far be it from them, to say or do aught in opposition to the will of their wives, anything that will deeply mortify or afflict them. A man would be hooted from genteel society in the Southern States, for such an ign.o.ble act. Whatever the faults of Southern men may be, they feel themselves bound to treat their wives with consideration, respect and kindness. But I must return to Eliza and her boy. Eliza, overhearing the conversation between Mr. and Mrs. Shelby, on the night after the interview between Shelby and Haley, she cautiously and quietly takes her boy out of the bed, and elopes. She hastens with all possible speed to the State of Ohio. Haley returns to Shelby's on the succeeding morning for the purpose of taking possession of Tom, and Eliza's child; but Eliza having decamped with the child, he and a couple of Shelby's negro men go in pursuit of her. They overtook her at the river; and Mrs. Stowe tells us, that she fled precipitately across the river on floating fragments of ice, with her boy in her arms! She tells us, that the ice was floating, and that a boat was expected to pa.s.s over the river that night. Was ever a more glaring falsehood penned. As well might she have told us, that Eliza walked over the river on the water, with a boy who was probably five or six years of age, in her arms! How inconsistent! How foolis.h.!.+ How superlatively ridiculous are such tales!! It is enough; I need not wade through the entire work, in order to show the falsity of Mrs.

Stowe's tale.

She has calumniated her countrymen, and the slander has gone with electric speed on the pinions of the press, to the ends of the earth.

Her country lies bleeding at her feet; its inst.i.tutions totter. But ah! if she can but luxuriate in her ill-gotten gains, but little does she care what becomes of her country. She, truly, has been well paid for her services. She has received a "large fee," and all this was done under the pretense of serving the cause of liberty! Yes, truly, she is serving the cause of liberty with a vengeance. Had all the despots of earth leagued themselves together, for the purpose of crus.h.i.+ng civil liberty, they could not have given it such a shock, as has been done by the publication of Uncle Tom's Cabin. Well may the friends of republican inst.i.tutions bow their heads with shame and regret. The moral influence of the great American republic is destroyed. The friends of liberty throughout the world, mourn the disaster.

Mrs. Stowe is the modern Eve. Old mother Eve said, "The serpent beguiled me, and I did eat." Mrs. Stowe may say, "The serpent beguiled me, and I did write." Yes, she did write. The daughter of a clergyman and the wife of a clergyman did write a novel; and other clergymen seem to think it a fit subst.i.tute for the Bible in Sabbath schools; and ere long, other clergymen will, I have no doubt, read their text from it in the pulpit. G.o.d preserve the world, from clerical knaves and fools. Of all the curses, that ever were permitted by Almighty G.o.d to fall on wicked and deluded nations, there are none so much to be dreaded, as corrupt, bigoted, fanatical clergymen. A clergyman--a minister of G.o.d--a minister of the gospel of peace and glad tidings to all--who with his eyes open, will countenance, aid, or abet, any thing that destroys the peace and harmony of this nation, or that threatens to result in disunion and civil war, ought to be hurled forty leagues deep into perdition.

I entreat you my fellow citizens, to open your eyes and look around you! Behold hydra-headed infidelity stalking over New England, in clerical robes. Behold _others_, who have so far lost sight of their calling, and the spirit of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, that they are opposing the execution of the laws of our common country! Sowing dissentions and exciting feelings of envy, jealousy and hatred among our citizens. Be not deceived by their clerical robes and a.s.sumed sanct.i.ty; it is all lighter than a feather in the balance. My friends, there is danger ahead. Beware lest you be led blindfold to ruin by canting hypocrites. These are the men that endanger our liberties.

Stand aloof, give no support to religious bigotry and fanaticism. I call on you as Christians, as patriots, "to touch not, taste not, handle not the unclean thing."

Pardon me, my countrymen; I am an American citizen, and as such, I speak and write. I know that I shall incur the displeasure of many by the expression of such sentiments as the above; but shall the fear of man deter me from warning you of your danger? No! heaven forbid! My country is my pride; my country is my boast; my country is my all; and woe to him, that would dissolve this glorious and heaven favored Union, and stain her fair fields with the blood of her own citizens.

He that rebels against the laws of his country, or bids defiance to the solemn compact which binds together these States, is a traitor to his country--a traitor to his G.o.d. He that would destroy the Const.i.tution, which was framed by our revolutionary sires, let him be accursed of G.o.d, and driven forth from the habitations of civilized man. Let every Christian--every friend of our beloved country, respond, a hearty Amen.

Mrs. Stowe has slandered her countrymen; hence, the great popularity of her book! We listen with pleasure to a recital, of the vices of our neighbors; we roll it as a sweet morsel under our tongues; but oh! I don't tell us anything about their virtues; we don't want to hear them spoken of! Friend, speak evil only of your neighbors, or else, be silent! We don't wish to hear you speak well of any one. We have no taste for eulogy, but give us slander, by wholesale and retail, and we will gulph it down!

This is a dark picture of the human heart, but I believe a tolerably correct one!

CHAPTER III.

Having in the preceding chapter dismissed Mrs. Stowe's narrative; I shall in the following pages, confine my remarks, so far as they refer to "Uncle Tom's Cabin," to its evident design and manifest tendency.

It was about thirty-five years ago, that the great abolition excitement broke out in the North. The subject of course, was agitated previous to that time, but there must have been then, some additional, or new excitement, for it was at that memorable period, that the South took the alarm. Previous to that period, as far back as I can recollect, the subject of slavery was freely discussed in the Southern States, by clergymen and politicians in public; and it was withal, a common topic of conversation in the social circle. Throughout the slave states, at that time, the necessity of enlightening the minds, and ameliorating the conditions of the slaves was generally seen, felt, and acknowledged. It was then enforced on church members as a duty, by ministers of all denominations; and the ministers of the Gospel rebuked, (sometimes with great severity), harshness, cruelty, or unkindness to slaves.

A spirit of emanc.i.p.ation was then common among slaveholders; many slaves were set at liberty, and Christians, and philanthropists, were anxiously looking forward to a period of universal emanc.i.p.ation. A gentleman, by name Benjamin Lundy, published at that time an anti-slavery paper in Greenville, East Tennessee; which paper had an extensive circulation. About that time, I gathered up my anti-slavery juvenile doggerel, corrected it, as well as I could,--selected poems from Cowper and others, on the subject; forwarded the ma.n.u.script to the aforesaid B. Lundy, and the result was, a little volume of anti-slavery poems. But the abolition excitement broke out in the North, and the South took the alarm. The mouths of clergymen were closed in the pulpit; for it was deemed inadvisable, in consequence of Northern interference, to discuss the subject of slavery in the pulpit, social circle, or under any circ.u.mstances, whatever. It was thus, we see, through the intermeddling of Northern abolitionists, that discussion was cut off in the South. Rigid laws were then enacted by the state Legislatures, for the suppression of public discussion; and there were also enactments which threw obstacles in the way of emanc.i.p.ation; and thus, the fetters of slavery have been drawn tighter, and tighter, from that day, to the present time.

A short time after the excitement commenced in the South, a committee of panic-stricken citizens called on Mr. Lundy, after expressing for him personally the highest regard, they politely requested him to discontinue his paper; expressing the opinion, at the time, that its publication was no longer consistent with public safety. Mr. Lundy complied with their request, and it was rumored, whether true or false, I know not, that he remarked, that it was a great pity that the Yankees could not mind their own business. Mr. Lundy, I believe, was a Yankee himself, but was said to be a gentlemanly, humane man. Some are no doubt ready to ask, Why was it, that the abolition excitement in the North, produced such a panic in the South? It was the revolting and shocking doctrines, which they openly promulgated. It was their notorious disregard of the laws of G.o.d and man, and all those ties which bind us together as one great nation; their denial of the right of the South to hold slave property, notwithstanding that right had been guaranteed to them by the Federal Const.i.tution; their advocacy of the right of the slave to arise in the night and cut his master's throat; or, else, burn his house over his head; their advocacy of the right of the North to force emanc.i.p.ation on the South, at the point of the bayonet, &c.

It was these monstrous doctrines and a.s.sumptions, which were then, and are to the present day, avowed and defended by abolition orators, that alarmed the Southern people. It was not long before Northern abolitionists were detected in circulating through the South, exciting and incendiary publications, on the subject of slavery, and in some instances, intermeddling with slaves, and trying to incite insurrections among them. These things inflamed the public mind more and more in the South. Legislatures met, and enacted laws still more stringent for the punishment of such offenders; for the suppression of public discussion; and they, withal, threw so many restrictions around those who held slaves that in most of the states, emanc.i.p.ation became exceedingly difficult, and in some of them, absolutely impracticable.

These are historical facts, and they are worth more than a volume of any man's speculations on the subject of slavery. They speak for themselves, and require but little comment from me. Who was it that crushed in embryo, the reform which was in progress thirty-five years ago? It was the abolitionists, and every one is aware of it, who is informed on the subject; and intelligent men among the abolitionists know it, as well as any one else. The officious inter-meddling of abolitionists with Southern slavery, never has, and never can effect anything for the slave; it has served but to r.e.t.a.r.d emanc.i.p.ation, and to rivet the chains of slavery. This opinion has been expressed a thousand times, by the wisest and best men, that our nation has ever produced--men, who enjoyed the best opportunities for forming correct opinions on the subject. Henry Clay said, in a letter, written in 1845, "I firmly believe that the cause of the extinction of negro slavery, far from being advanced, has been r.e.t.a.r.ded by the agitation of the subject at the North."

I believe slavery to be an individual and a national evil--a dire calamity--and would rejoice to see it extinguished by any means compatible with the safety, peace and prosperity of the nation, the best interests of master and slave; and in the fear of G.o.d Almighty, before whose bar I know that I must shortly appear, I sincerely, firmly and solemnly believe, that if the free states had stood aloof, and left the discussion and disposition of it entirely to the slave states, several states which are now slave states, and are likely to remain so, would have long since made provisions for the emanc.i.p.ation of their slaves. And I moreover believe, that if the North would now desist from all interference with it, the evil would be eradicated from the United States, some hundreds of years sooner than it will be, provided she persists in her present course. This is a legitimate conclusion from the foregoing historical facts. Abolitionists can do nothing, and men of intelligence well know it, that will mitigate the evils of slavery, or eradicate it from the South. It is entirely beyond their reach, they cannot control it; and if the object of intelligent men in the North was the abolition of slavery, they would cease to agitate the subject. But that is not their object. I allude to the leaders of that party--the politicians, and not the common people, for they are sincere. What then is their object? It is to produce a dissolution of the Union; a separation of the Northern and Southern sections of the United States, civil war, blood-shed, the sacking and burning of cities, devastations, brother imbruing his hands in the blood of brother, the father shedding the blood of his son, and the son that of the father! Yea, and ten thousand other evils and calamities, of which they, themselves, have never dreamed. Is this abolitionism? Great G.o.d! what a picture--and the half has not been told! From whence did it spring? "By whom begot?" It is an offspring of New England infidelity. It was born in fanaticism, and nurtured in violence and disorder. It opposes and violates the commands of G.o.d, and is full of strife and pride. Its course is unchristian, impolitic and hypocritical; it is alike hostile to religion and republicanism; it rejects the Bible and the const.i.tution of our country, and under the pretense of higher law, it abrogates all law! This is abolitionism, but all is not yet told. Be patient, reader, and perhaps before I bring this essay to a close, I shall succeed in disclosing its anti-christian and anti-republican tendencies; its seditious spirit; its self will, pride and contumacy; its duplicity and hypocrisy; its cruelties, horrors and woes.

Should they succeed in dissolving the Union, what would they accomplish thereby? Would they by dissolving the Union emanc.i.p.ate a solitary slave in the South? No, not one. The South would then set up for itself, and the North for itself.

We would then have a Southern confederacy, and a Northern confederacy; each separate and independent of the other. The North would then have no more control or influence over the South; nor yet the South over the North, than England has over America, or America over England. But what has now become of the inst.i.tution of slavery in the South? There it is, just as it was, before the dissolution of the Union was accomplished. And the Northern portion of the Union has lost all her control--all her influence over the South; which influence, she might have exerted for the benefit of the slave, if the Union had not been dissolved, and her course towards the South had been kind, conciliatory and pacific. It is all very plain--so clear, that it requires but a little common sense to comprehend the whole matter. It is clear then--clear as the noon-day sun, that the object of the leaders of the abolition party is not the abolition of slavery.

Office, is the G.o.d they wors.h.i.+p. Elevation to office, and self aggrandizement, is their ultimate object. If they can strengthen their party, and agitate the subject of slavery, until they bring about a dissolution of the Union, then Hale will be president of the Northern confederacy, Julian, vice-president, and Giddings, I suppose, prime minister. Would not Joshua cut a sorry figure, in that high and responsible office! Prince John, I suppose, would be attorney general.

The little magician, John's daddy, would be thrown overboard, for no party, I think, will ever trust him again.

But only once let them get snugly fixed in their fat offices, and we shall then hear nothing more about Southern slavery from them, for the very good reason, that they care nothing about it. They have tried various expedients, and fallen upon various plans, in order to accomplish their diabolical purposes, but they have made the discovery, that either the whig, or the democratic party must be dissolved--annihilated; before they can possibly succeed. They base this conclusion on the supposition, that the fragments of the demolished party will unite with them. Well, one of the two great parties must be dissolved; but the democratic party being strong, and well organized, it was vain for them to expect aid from that quarter; but, it was otherwise with the whig party; and from this source they had reason to hope for aid. Hence, they labored hard in the recent presidential canva.s.s, to defeat the whig nominee; believing that it was at least probable, that if General Scott was defeated, the whig party would in that event dissolve, and a large majority of the voters belonging to that party would fall into their ranks. If the whig party should hang together, and G.o.d grant they may, if for no other reason, to avert a calamity so awful, then are they again destined to meet with defeat and discomfiture, as heretofore. It is true that the whig party may not have entire confidence in their rivals, the democratic party; they may doubt the propriety of some of the measures advocated by them--the purity of the motives of some of their leaders. They may raise many objections to the democratic party, but I a.s.sure you, my whig friends, that there is more patriotism in Col. Benton's or Gen.

Ca.s.s's little finger, as well as some others of the same party, whom I could name, than there is in every abolition politician on this continent. If you must leave your own party, I pray you go over to the democratic ranks, or else, stand neutral; but for G.o.d's sake, and for the sake of our common country, never be found in the abolition ranks.

Keep clear of them--stand aloof--come not near them--have nothing to do with them. I am not advising the whig party to disband; on the contrary, I believe that the interests of the country will be subserved by their hanging together as a band of brothers. It is only on the supposition, that you must and will bolt, that I give you this advice.

The formation and organization of parties must and will take place, in all governments; and under these circ.u.mstances, it becomes our duty to guard against those moral and political evils, which are generated or brought about by selfish or corrupt partisans. I think it probable, that the present organization of parties into whig and democratic, is the best and safest that we could have; and for this reason, I have no wish to see either party dissolved. I am well aware, that when party prejudices and prepossessions are carried to excess, a vast deal of evil may grow out of them; but keep party spirit within clue bounds, and parties exert a salutary influence on government.

It is true, that such men as Hale, Julian and Giddings, would be likely to receive office from the hands of any party to which they might choose to attach themselves; but it is not less true, that ambitious men are rarely satisfied, unless there is a prospect of their reaching the pinnacle of fame. Elect such men to a State legislature, and they fix their eyes on the lower house of Congress, elect them to the lower house of Congress, and they fix their eyes on the United States Senate; elect them to the upper house of Congress, and they fix their eyes on the presidency; elect them to the presidency, and they are not yet satisfied--yea, they would then dethrone the Eternal, if possible.

I will close my remarks for the present on abolitionism, with a summary of my leading objections to it. I am opposed to it, because it proposes to abolish slavery by any means, and at any cost, be the consequences what they may. Because it would abolish slavery at any cost, and at any hazard; though it plunges us into a thousand evils, infinitely worse than African slavery.

I am opposed to the abolitionists, because they trample under foot the Const.i.tution and laws of their country. The following sentiment is found in a report, offered to an abolition convention, recently in session, in Boston: "Anti-slavery shall sweep over the ruins of the Const.i.tution and the Union, when a fairer edifice, than our lathers knew how to build, shall rise."

I am opposed to them, because they have in some instances made attempts to foment insurrections, and to incite the slaves to indiscriminate murder and rapine.

I am opposed to them, because they have decoyed away slaves from their masters, and have at the same time encouraged slaves to steal from their masters and others.

I am opposed to them, because of their utter and notorious disregard of truth, in their representations of Southern slavery.

I am opposed to them, because they reject the Bible, and profess to be under the guidance of a higher law. I was at a loss for some time to know from what source they derived their higher law; but looking over a Cincinnati paper a few days since, I read as follows: "The infidels celebrated the birth-day of Thomas Paine on the night," &c. A gentleman remarked, "that it was through the spread of Paine's opinions, that he expected to see the colored race elevated, and through this instrumentality alone." Vain hope!

I am opposed to them, because their plans, so far from bringing about the abolition of slavery, will but rivet the chains on the slave, and bring disaster on both master and slave. Because it strews the paths of both master and slave with difficulties and dangers. Because their interference makes slaves more impertinent and unhappy, frequently subjecting them to harsh and cruel treatment.

I am opposed to their theories and views, because they are illogical, and because so far as there is any truth in them, it is abstract truth, and not real truth, as modified by circ.u.mstances. Because they refuse to view things as they are, but rather as they should be, and are utterly reckless as to results and consequences.

And finally, I am opposed to them, because there is no fairness, justice, truth, or righteousness in them. The following is from the Detroit Free Press; and I shall give it without comment. It is headed "THE MORALITY OF NEGRO-STEALING."

"A novice might suppose, in witnessing the chuckle of satisfaction that has been noticeable among a certain cla.s.s of people hereabouts within a few days back, that stealing is a virtue, and that the receiver of stolen goods is, _par excellence_, a model Christian.

And even a man of some experience in the world might doubt the morality of the precept "to do unto others as ye would that others should do unto you," in view of the effrontery and impudence of those who regard negro stealing as a Christian duty.