The Writings of Thomas Jefferson Part 18

The turn which the affairs of Europe will take, is not yet decided.

A war, wherein France, Holland, and England should be parties, seems, _prima facie_, to promise much advantage to us. But in the first place, no war can be safe for us which threatens France with an unfavorable issue; and in the next, it will probably embark us again into the ocean of speculation, engage us to over-trade ourselves, convert us into sea-rovers, under French and Dutch colors, divert us from agriculture, which is our wisest pursuit, because it will in the end contribute most to real wealth, good morals, and happiness. The wealth acquired by speculation and plunder, is fugacious in its nature, and fills society with the spirit of gambling. The moderate and sure income of husbandry begets permanent improvement, quiet life, and orderly conduct, both public and private. We have no occasion for more commerce than to take off our superfluous produce, and the people complain that some restrictions prevent this; yet the price of articles with us, in general, shows the contrary. Tobacco, indeed, is low, not because we cannot carry it where we please, but because we make more than the consumption requires. Upon the whole I think peace advantageous to us, necessary for Europe, and desirable for humanity. A few days will decide, probably, whether all these considerations are to give way to the bad pa.s.sions of Kings, and those who would be Kings.

I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

P. S. August 15. The parliament is exiled to Troyes this morning.

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.

PARIS, August 14, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I remember when you left us, it was with a promise to supply all the defects of correspondence with our friends, of which we complained, and which you had felt in common with us. Yet I have received but one letter from you, which was dated June the 5th, 1786, and I answered it, August the 14th, 1786. Dropping that, however, and beginning a new account, I will observe to you, that wonderful improvements are making here in various lines. In architecture, the wall of circ.u.mvallation round Paris, and the palaces by which we are to be let out and in, are nearly completed; four hospitals are to be built instead of the old Hotel-Dieu; one of the old bridges has all its houses demolished, and a second nearly so; a new bridge is begun at the Place Louis XV.; the Palais Royale is gutted, a considerable part in the centre of the garden being dug out, and a subterranean circus begun, wherein will be equestrian exhibitions, &c. In society, the habit habille is almost banished, and they begin to go even to great suppers in frock: the court and diplomatic corps, however, must always be excepted. They are too high to be reached by any improvement. They are the last refuge from which etiquette, formality, and folly will be driven. Take away these, and they would be on a level with other people.

[After describing the unsettled state of Europe, as in some of the preceding letters, the writer proceeds:]

So much for the blessings of having Kings, and magistrates who would be Kings. From these events, our young Republic may learn useful lessons, never to call on foreign powers to settle their differences, to guard against hereditary magistrates, to prevent their citizens from becoming so established in wealth and power, as to be thought worthy of alliance by marriage with the nieces, sisters, &c., of Kings, and, in short, to besiege the throne of heaven with eternal prayers, to extirpate from creation this cla.s.s of human lions, tigers, and mammoths called Kings; from whom, let him perish who does not say, "good Lord deliver us;" and that so we may say, one and all, or perish, is the fervent prayer of him who has the honor to mix with it, sincere wishes for your health and happiness, and to be, with real attachment and respect, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, August 15, 1787.

SIR,--An American gentleman leaving Paris this afternoon to go by the way of L'Orient to Boston, furnishes me the rare occasion of a conveyance, other than the packet, sure and quick. My letter by the packet informed you of the bed of justice, for enregistering the stamp tax and land tax. The parliament, on their return, came to an _Arretee_ (a resolution) which, besides protesting against the enregistering, as done by force, laid the foundation for an _Arret de defence_ (an act) against the execution of the two new laws. The question on the final _Arret_ was adjourned to the day before yesterday. It is believed they did not conclude on this _Arret_, as it has not appeared. However, there was a concourse of about ten thousand people at the parliament house, who, on their adjournment, received them with acclamations of joy, loosened the horses of the most eminent speakers against the tax from their carriages, and drew them home. This morning, the parliament is exiled to Troyes. It is believed to proceed, princ.i.p.ally, from the fear of a popular commotion here.

The officer, charged by this court to watch the English squadron, which was under sailing orders, returned about a week ago, with information that it had sailed, having shaped its course westwardly. This is another step towards war. It is the more suspicious, as their minister here denies the fact. Count Adhemar is here from London, by leave from his court. The Duke of Dorset, the British amba.s.sador here, has lately gone to London on leave. Neither of these amba.s.sadors has the confidence of his court, on the point of abilities. The latter merits it for his honesty. The minister of the British court, resident here, remains; but Mr. Eden, their amba.s.sador to Spain, under pretence of taking this in his route, is in truth their _factotum_ in the present emergency. Nothing worth noting has occurred since my last, either in the Dutch or Austrian Netherlands.

I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE HONORABLE JAMES MADISON.

PARIS, August 15, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--A gentleman going from hence by L'Orient to Boston, furnishes me an opportunity of recommending to your care the enclosed letters, which I could not get ready for the last packet. Pray inform me in your next whether letters directed to your foreign ministers, or franked by them, are free of postage; that they ought to be so is acknowledged substantially by the resolution of Congress, allowing us to charge postages. I have sometimes suspected that my letters stagnate in the post-offices. My letters by the last packet brought down the domestic news of this country to the day in which the bed of justice was held. The day before yesterday the parliament house was surrounded by ten thousand people, who received them on their adjournment with acclamations of joy, took out the horses of the princ.i.p.al speakers and drew their chariots themselves to their hotels. The parliament not having taken the desperate step (as far as is yet known) of forbidding the execution of the new tax laws by an _Arret de defence sur peine de mort_, we presume it is the fear of a popular commotion which has occasioned the King to exile them to Troyes. This is known only this morning. The ministry here have certain information that the English squadron has sailed and took its course westwardly. This is another move towards war. No other important fact has taken place since my letter by the packet. Adieu. Yours affectionately.

TO THE COUNT DEL VERMI.

PARIS, August 15, 1787.

SIR,--In consequence of the permission you were so kind as to give me, when I had the honor of seeing you at Milan, I shall sometimes take the liberty of troubling you with a line. I cannot begin with an act of greater justice than that of expressing to you all my grat.i.tude for your attentions and services while in your capital, and to which I am indebted for the best informations I received there. I then mentioned some late publications on the subject of America, of which I would do myself the honor of sending you one, because it was my own, and two others because worth reading. Mine are some notes only on the State of Virginia. The others are Ramsay's history of the war and Soule's history. The first is very authentic, there being no fact in it which may not be relied on; but it is confined to the war in the southern States. The last is a general history, of which we can only say it is the best of those written in Europe. There is a history of the same period now printing in London, though written in America by an English clergyman of the name of Gordon. He had access to some collections of papers not known to any other writer. But I am unable to say as yet what may be the merit of his work. You must have observed when in America, that time and trial had discovered defects in our federal const.i.tution. A new essay, made in the midst of the flames of war, could not be perfect. The States have appointed deputies, who are now sitting at Philadelphia, to consider what are the defects, and to propose new articles to be added to the instrument of confederation for amending them. The articles to be proposed by them will have to be confirmed by Congress and by the Legislature of every State before they will be in force. As yet their proceedings are not known. Probably they go to the following points: 1. To invest Congress with the exclusive sovereignty in every matter relative to foreign nations and the general ma.s.s of our Union, retaining to the States their individual sovereignty in matters merely domestic. 2. To devise some peaceable mode whereby Congress may enforce their decisions. 3. To organize Congress into three branches, Legislative, Executive and Judiciary. I had the honor of informing you of the commotions which had taken place in Ma.s.sachusetts, the only ones which had ever taken place since the declaration of Independence. I have now that of informing you that those commotions have been entirely quieted. General Was.h.i.+ngton is well, and is president of the federal convention sitting at Philadelphia, as before mentioned. Dr. Franklin and others, the greatest characters of America, are members of it. I do not give you European news; you have that from other quarters; after adding therefore, that the books before mentioned, are delivered to Messieurs Cathalan, of Ma.r.s.eilles, who will send them to their correspondent at Genoa, with instructions to forward them to you at Milan. I shall only repeat very sincere a.s.surances of the esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, August 30, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--Since your favor of July the 10th, mine have been of July the 17th, 23d and 28th. The last enclosed a bill of exchange from Mr.

Grand, on Tessier for 46, 17s. 10d. sterling, to answer General Sullivan's bill for that sum. I hope it got safe to hand, though I have been anxious about it, as it went by post, and my letters through that channel sometimes miscarry.

From the separation of the Notables to the present moment, has been perhaps the most interesting interval ever known in this country. The propositions of the government, approved by the Notables, were precious to the nation, and have been in an honest course of execution, some of them being carried into effect, and others preparing. Above all, the establishment of the Provincial a.s.semblies, some of which have begun their sessions, bid fair to be the instrument for circ.u.mscribing the power of the crown, and raising the people into consideration. The election given to them, is what will do this. Though the minister, who proposed these improvements, seems to have meant them as the price of the new supplies, the game has been so played, as to secure the improvements to the nation, without securing the price. The Notables spoke softly on the subject of the additional supplies. But the parliament took them up roundly, refused to register the edicts for the new taxes, till compelled in a bed of justice, and suffered themselves to be transferred to Troyes, rather than withdraw their opposition. It is urged princ.i.p.ally against the King, that his revenue is one hundred and thirty millions more than that of his predecessor was, and yet he demands one hundred and twenty millions further. You will see this well explained in the "Conference entre un ministre d'etat et un Conseiller au parliment," which I send you, with some small pamphlets. In the meantime, all tongues in Paris (and in France as it is said) have been let loose, and never was a license of speaking against the government exercised in London more freely or more universally. Caricatures, placards, bons mots, have been indulged in by all ranks of people, and I know of no well-attested instance of a single punishment. For some time mobs of ten, twenty and thirty thousand people collected daily, surrounded the parliament house, huzzaed the members, even entered the doors and examined into their conduct, took the horses out of the carriages of those who did well, and drew them home. The government thought it prudent to prevent these, drew some regiments into the neighborhood, multiplied the guards, had the streets constantly patrolled by strong parties, suspended privileged places, forbade all clubs, etc. The mobs have ceased; perhaps this may be partly owing to the absence of parliament. The Count d'Artois, sent to hold a bed of justice in the Cour des Aides, was hissed and hooted without reserve, by the populace; the carriage of Madame de (I forget the name) in the Queen's livery was stopped by the populace, under a belief that it was Madame de Polignac, whom they would have insulted; the Queen, going to the theatre at Versailles with Madame de Polignac, was received with a general hiss. The King, long in the habit of drowning his cares in wine, plunges deeper and deeper. The Queen cries, but sins on. The Count d'Artois is detested, and Monsieur, the general favorite. The Archbishop of Thoulouse is made minister princ.i.p.al, a virtuous, patriotic, and able character. The Marechal de Castries retired yesterday, notwithstanding strong solicitations to remain in office.

The Marechal de Segur retired at the same time, prompted to it by the court. Their successors are not yet known. Monsieur de St. Priest goes amba.s.sador to Holland, in the room of Verac, transferred to Switzerland, and the Count de Moustier goes to America, in the room of the Chevalier de La Luzerne, who has a promise of the first vacancy.

These nominations are not yet made formally, but they are decided on, and the parties are ordered to prepare for their destination.

As it has been long since I have had a confidential conveyance to you, I have brought together the princ.i.p.al facts from the adjournment of the Notables to the present moment, which, as you will perceive from their nature, required a confidential conveyance. I have done it the rather, because, though you will have heard many of them, and seen them in the public papers, yet, floating in the ma.s.s of lies which const.i.tute the atmosphere of London and Paris, you may not have been sure of their truth; and I have mentioned every truth of any consequence, to enable you to stamp as false, the facts pretermitted. I think that in the course of three months, the royal authority has lost, and the rights of the nation gained, as much ground by a revolution of public opinion only, as England gained in all her civil wars under the Stuarts. I rather believe, too, they will retain the ground gained, because it is defended by the young and the middle aged, in opposition to the old only. The first party increases, and the latter diminishes daily, from the course of nature. You may suppose, that in this situation, war would be unwelcome to France. She will surely avoid it, if not forced into it by the courts of London and Berlin. If forced, it is probable she will change the system of Europe totally, by an alliance with the two empires, to whom nothing would be more desirable. In the event of such a coalition, not only Prussia, but the whole European world must receive from them their laws. But France will probably endeavor to preserve the present system, if it can be done, by sacrificing to a certain degree, the pretensions of the Patriotic party in Holland. But of all these matters, you can judge, in your position, where less secrecy is observed, better than I can.

I have news from America as late as July the 19th. Nothing had transpired from the federal convention. I am sorry they began their deliberations by so abominable a precedent as that of tying up the tongues of their members. Nothing can justify this example but the innocence of their intentions, and ignorance of the value of public discussions. I have no doubt that all their other measures will be good and wise. It is really an a.s.sembly of demiG.o.ds. General Was.h.i.+ngton was of opinion, that they should not separate till October.

I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of friends.h.i.+p and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MONSIEUR LE COMTE DE MONTMORIN.

PARIS, September 8, 1787.

SIR,--I had the honor of addressing your Excellency on the 3d of July, some observations on the letter of Monsieur de Calonnes, of October 22d, 1786, relative to the commerce of France with the United States of America; of proposing to it some small amendments, and of expressing a wish that it might be put into such a form as would secure its execution. Monsieur de Villedeuil, then Comptroller General was pleased to inform me that the Farmers General had received orders on the first of April, 1787, to conform themselves to the decisions notified in that letter, and that on the 5th of the same month they had given orders not to levy "sur les _huiles_ et autres produits de la _peche Americane_ que les droits mentionnes dans la lettre." This expression, restrained to the produce of the _fisheries_, with recent information received from the American agent at Havre, make me apprehensive that the ancient duties are still demanded on all other objects, and induce me to repeat to your Excellency my request that the letter of M. de Calonnes may be put into such form as will insure its execution and stability. In my letter of July 25th, I took the liberty of proposing that timely measures might be adopted for encouraging the direct importation of the tobacco of the United States into this Kingdom when the order of Bernis should be expired, and that in the meantime that order might be strictly executed. A great acc.u.mulation of tobaccos in the seaports of France, and a refusal of the Farmers General to purchase any more, on the pretence that they have purchased the whole quant.i.ty required by government, excites discontent among the merchants. It is their opinion that the Farms have not complied with the order of Bernis. As the government was pleased to desire the publication of that order to induce the merchants to bring tobaccos here, it would be very satisfactory to make known also the execution of that order. If the Farms can verify that they have strictly executed it, all discontent will cease and the merchants become sensible that the present glut is occasioned by their importing too much. On the other hand, if it shall appear, from the list of purchases made by the Farms, or from other evidence, that they have not purchased the whole quant.i.ty on the conditions prescribed by government, they will doubtless be instructed to do it, and that too without delay, as the duration of the contract with Mr. Morris, and of the order of Bernis, formed on that, will soon expire.

A parcel of gazettes and magazines sent to me from America, for my own use, and detained in the syndic chamber, obliges me to trouble your Excellency for an order for their delivery.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MONSIEUR LIMOSIN.