The Principles of Economics Part 46

2. _As commerce has grown, the territorial division of labor has correspondingly increased._ Although economic motives have had influence in political affairs and have helped to determine political groupings and the limits of modern nations, there is to-day no very close correspondence between political and economic boundary lines. Both industrial and political conditions have changed so rapidly that the lines often have tended to diverge rather than to agree. It is common for two portions of a nation to exchange far less than do two portions of entirely different nations. The great territorial divisions of industry are determined first and mainly by differences of climate, soil, and natural resources. Thus trade arises easily between north and south, between warm and frigid climes, between new countries and old, between regions spa.r.s.ely and regions densely populated. Foreign trade with distant lands is as old as history. In medieval times the luxuries of the temperate zone were mostly articles produced in the tropics.

Political divisions usually have not been large enough to embrace widely varied soils and climates, the Roman Empire being an exception in marked contrast with the comparatively small political units of the Middle Ages. Before modern methods of transportation, a large free federal state like our republic was impossible. As in recent centuries the large political units have been formed, the question has arisen, Shall the political boundary be likewise the economic boundary marking the limits of trade? The firm const.i.tutional Union of the American states arose out of difficulties with regard to trade. The German Zollverein, the forerunner of the modern German Empire, had a similar origin. The Australian Federation consummated within the last few years has grown out of the need of adjusting tariffs and tariff boundaries. These larger political units containing such varied resources can in larger measure, but never completely, become independent of the rest of the world if they will.

[Sidenote: Differences in culture and industry]

Territorial division of trade is determined secondly by differences in the acc.u.mulation of wealth, in the development of capital, of invention, and of organization, in the degree of intelligence of the workers, and in the grade of civilization. It is mainly trade due to this second group of causes, and carried on between old and new countries of about the same lat.i.tude, that is the subject of discussion in economic treatises on international trade.

[Sidenote: Comparative costs as between individual workers]

3. _The doctrine of comparative costs is that relative, not absolute, advantages of production determine for a country the benefits of international trade._ The free-trade question in any country is whether it is for its interests as a whole to permit trade between its citizens and the citizens of other countries. The question appears especially difficult where both countries have natural resources of about the same character (as iron and coal in the case of England and America), and where, therefore, both can produce the things that are exchanged. If American labor can produce as much iron in a day as English labor,--or more,--is it not foolish and wasteful, it is asked, not to produce that wealth? Now, exactly the same case is presented in simple neighborhood exchanges. The merchant may be able to keep his books better than does the bookkeeper whom he employs. The proprietor may be able to sweep out the store better than the cheap boy does it. The carpenter may be able to raise better vegetables than can the gardener from whom he purchases, and yet the merchant and the carpenter do not quit their better-paying work and turn to clerking or to raising vegetables.

[Sidenote: As between communities differing in advantages]

It often happens that both countries can technically produce both the articles that are internationally exchanged. It may frequently happen that one of the two countries has an advantage in amount of sacrifice and effort, as to both articles; but if the advantage is greater in one article than in the other, the foreigners, like the low-paid clerk, will be willing to exchange at a ratio that will make it profitable to specialize in the product wherein the greater superiority lies.

Therefore not the advantage as to a single product, enjoyed by one country over the other is most important in determining whether to produce at home or to exchange, but the comparative advantages enjoyed in the production of the two articles in question.

[Sidenote: Examples of comparative costs]

It must be remembered that comparative cost as here used refers to cost in effort, not to money cost,--a point on which there is often confusion. The money cost of a certain product is often greater in a new country because wages are high, and wages are high just because psychic cost is low, that is, because labor can produce so much. At the time of the great gold discoveries in 1849-50, the price of goods in California was much higher than in the East, and much higher in Australia than in Europe. A day's labor doubtless would produce as much food in Australia and in California as in New England and in Norway, but it produced far more gold. Hence b.u.t.ter and cheese were s.h.i.+pped by long routes from Norway to Australia and from New England around Cape Horn to California, to be exchanged for gold. One of the standing arguments against foreign trade is based on the idea that a country cannot profitably import goods unless it is at an absolute disadvantage in their production. It is declared that as our country can produce these goods "as well" as foreign countries (meaning with as few days' labor), there is a loss on every unit imported.

[Sidenote: Selection of the most paying industries]

4. _The equation of international exchange is that adjustment of prices which results in the equalizing of the imports and exports of the country._ The superiority of a new country over an old one is not equally great in every line of industry. It is almost certainly most marked in those enterprises where natural resources are employed. To compete with the older country in less favored industries, capital and labor in the new are forced to take a lower rate than they can earn in the more favored. Without any government supervision, therefore, but simply through the choice of enterprisers seeking the best investment of capital, industries are developed in which the country is either most markedly superior or least inferior to its neighbors.

If the productive energies of men interchanged between industries and between countries with perfect readiness, a perfect equilibrium of advantage would everywhere result. In every country, in every occupation, labor and capital of given quality and amount would receive the same reward. But the interchange of labor and capital between countries is never without friction. Adam Smith said that "a man is of all sorts of luggage the most difficult to be transported." The higher wages in a new country are sufficient to attract constantly from the older lands a portion of their labor supply; the higher rate of interest in the new countries attracts constant additions of capital; yet, despite these forces working toward equalization, the inequality may remain and through the working of other influences even increase in the course of years.

[Sidenote: Persistence of the differences]

The laborers, enterprisers, and investors in the one country are thus in a position of more or less enduring advantage relative to those of the other countries. The advantage is sometimes said to be a "monopoly"

which they, or the country as a whole, enjoy; but in the absence of any contractual limiting of compet.i.tion, this is a misuse of the term monopoly. This variation in the degree of scarcity of agents in different territories is not peculiar to nations as a whole. Differences of the same nature exist between the Northern and the Southern states of the American Union, have continued for decades between Eastern and Western states, and are found even between neighboring counties. The differences between two countries, however, are likely to be more marked, the circulation of factors being so active within a country that it is allowable to speak broadly of prevailing national rates of wages and of interest.

[Sidenote: The ratio of international demand defined]

Every exchange of goods between the countries is made at a ratio that reflects, or expresses, this abiding difference in comparative costs.

The imports into the favored country represent regularly the results of more units of labor of a given grade than do the corresponding exports.

The ratio which expresses the disparity of advantage of productive factors is called "the equation of international demand." This does not mean that the money value of the imports exceeds that of the exports, or vice versa. On the contrary, the equation itself embodies a maxim of international trade that "in the long run," or "on the average," imports and exports must be equal in value (_i.e._, equation of demand). This brings us to the theory of foreign exchanges, which is essential to an understanding of this feature of international trade.

-- II. THEORY OF FOREIGN EXCHANGES OF MONEY

[Sidenote: Purpose of foreign exchange]

[Sidenote: The rate of foreign exchange]

1. _Foreign exchange of money is the purchase and sale of the right to receive a given kind and weight of metal at a specified time and place._ Par of exchange is the number of units of the standard coin of one country that contain the same amount of fine gold (or silver) as the standard coin of the other country. Usually the English pound is taken as the basis in the tables which express the ratio of the gold in the standard coins of different countries. The _gold s.h.i.+pping point_ is par of exchange plus or minus the cost of moving the actual metal; it varies with means of transportation and communication. The par of exchange between England and America being $4.866 and the cost of expressing and insuring a gold pound between New York and London being approximately .03, the s.h.i.+pping point for the export of gold from New York is $4.896.

At the upper and lower limits, there is a motive for s.h.i.+pping gold as a commodity. If each transaction were independent of all others, the cost of exchange would be the weight of metal called for, plus grains enough more to pay for loss of interest, cost of freight, risk, and trouble. In such a case it would cost $4.896 to remit one pound; while a debt of one pound payable in London would at the same time be worth $4.836 to the creditor in New York. When, in New York, a number of men having bills to pay in London meet a number of owners of bills receivable in London, a market for London drafts is created and a rate of exchange results somewhere between the s.h.i.+pping points. In this is the explanation of the variation of the rate, and of the facts that the cost of outward exchange sometimes is less than the par of exchange and that the value of foreign drafts sometimes is above par.

[Sidenote: Variation about par of exchange]

The balancing of foreign exchanges is of essentially the same nature as the domestic cancelation of indebtedness. It is going on constantly between two merchants in the same town, between two banks in the same town who represent groups of merchants, between men in neighboring towns, between distant states like New York and California, and between the trading nations of the world. The price of exchange to the individual is reduced by the specializing of the business in the hands of a few dealers, permitting cancelation of indebtedness or offsetting of exchange, and greatly reducing the amount of bullion to be transported. Exchange varies above and below par as conditions change.

When the movement of money is into the country, drafts on London are bought and sold for less than par, for every pound draft thus remitted to London reduces the need of s.h.i.+pping gold to this country, while every London draft collected in New York at such a time increases the need to s.h.i.+p gold.

[Sidenote: The cash balance of international trade]

2. _International s.h.i.+pment of money is always just the amount needed to balance the accounts due._ The proposition that in the long run the value of imports must equal the value of exports, while the fundamental truth in the theory of international trade, must be understood in a broad sense. Into the balance between the traders of two nations enter many items: the cash values of the imports and exports of each; freights, insurance premiums, and commissions; the expense of Americans traveling in foreign lands, and the cost of the foreign service of this government (such as the salaries of consuls and of diplomatic representatives) which count as the importation to America of an equivalent amount of food, clothing, and sundry services; subsidies and war indemnities to foreign nations representing, as they do, an expenditure, which at the moment may be paid in coin, but which, as is to be more fully explained, must be offset ultimately in some way by exports.

[Sidenote: Various credit items entering into the balance]

Many credit transactions affect the balance one way or another until settled. The loans made by European capital to the American government or to individuals and corporations in America, as well as the European capital expended in purchasing American enterprises, require the remitting of gold to New York, and thus offset many imports of goods to New York otherwise calling for the remitting of gold to London. In the direction opposite to this, act the interest payments and the eventual repayment of the princ.i.p.al loan, for these require either money or goods to be exported from America to the value of the obligations. Loans that run for years thus offset annually (in their accruing interest) a portion of the exports of the debtor country. An excess of exports may therefore at any given moment indicate either that the country is in debt or that it is getting out of debt. An excess of exports is generally looked upon as an evidence of national prosperity; but it is absolutely inconclusive on the point. Finally, after all the items of imports and credit paper purchased abroad are set opposite the items of exports and promissory papers sold abroad, the balance is paid in gold bullion and is s.h.i.+pped one way or the other. Evidently the amount of gold s.h.i.+pped is but a small fraction of the total volume of transactions.

Industrial indebtedness is represented in various forms: bills of lading for goods s.h.i.+pped, drafts made by the creditor on his debtor for goods s.h.i.+pped or property sold, checks or letters of credit of travelers, bonds and notes public and private. These are the objects dealt in by the bankers who are the agents to carry on the work of exchange.

[Sidenote: Relations of the international flow of goods to the flow of money]

3. _The territorial distribution of money is both a determined and a determining factor in international trade._ It appears to be determined in that the balance of all accounts for or against the country must be settled eventually in money. After any such a settlement one country has less, the other more money than before. The change in the amount of money at once reacts on prices and becomes a determining factor in international trade. The flow of money out of a country causes money to tighten, interest rates on short loans in the large cities to stiffen, and prices slightly to fall. When prices fall, imports decline, as the country is not so good a place to sell in; when prices rise, imports increase, as it is a better place to sell in. As the opposite effect is produced on exports, there occurs immediately a change in the quant.i.ty of money which continues until the national credits and debits balance and for a brief time remain in equilibrium. If the trade of a country with its neighbors continued long to give a balance of imports of goods and of debit items (exclusive of money) it would ultimately be drained of all its coin, and would default payment or cease to import. If the trade constantly gave a balance of exports and credit items, money would continue to flow in, until prices rose to unexampled heights. In fact no such extreme is even remotely approached, for a slight movement of money in either direction at once influences prices and sets in motion counteracting forces. Decade after decade the circulating medium of leading countries changes only slightly in amount, and the fluctuations during periods of so-called "favorable balance of trade" and of "unfavorable balance of trade" represent only the smallest fraction of the value of goods pa.s.sing through the ports of the country.

-- III. REAL BENEFITS OF FOREIGN TRADE

[Sidenote: Fallacious explanations of the gains from foreign trade]

1. _The direct advantages of foreign trade consist in the increased efficiency it imparts to productive forces._ In explanation of the advantages of foreign trade it is said to be a vent for surplus production and to give a wider market to what would otherwise go to waste. This involves the same fallacy as the "lump of labor," the destruction of machinery, and the praise of luxury. If backward nations now give a vent for products which would otherwise rot in the warehouses, at length a time will come when the world will have an enormous surplus unless neighboring planets can be successively annexed.

Again it is said that the great purpose of foreign trade is to keep exports in excess of imports so that money may constantly increase in amount. The ideal of such theorists is an impossible condition where the country would constantly sell and never buy. In the commercial view the sole object of foreign trade is to afford a profit to the merchants, regardless of the welfare of the ma.s.s of the citizens.

[Sidenote: The real advantages of foreign trade]

The main advantage of foreign trade is the same as that of any other exchange. It is hardly necessary to review the explanation here: the increased efficiency of labor when it is applied in the way for which each country is best fitted; the liberation of productive forces for the best uses; the development of special branches of industry with increasing returns; the larger scale production with resulting greater use of machinery and with increased chance of invention; the destruction of local monopolies.

The moral and intellectual gains of foreign commerce were formerly much emphasized. Commerce is an agent of progress; it stimulates the arts and sciences; it creates bonds of common interest; it gives an understanding of foreign peoples and an appreciation of their merits; it raises a commercial and moral barrier to war; and it furthers the ideal of a world federation, the brotherhood of man.

[Sidenote: Conflict between general and special interests]

[Sidenote: Prevalence of protective tariffs]

2. _Free foreign trade thus has in its favor the presumption of advantage to the citizens; but various interests may be adversely affected._ The general att.i.tude of economic students for a century and a half has been favorable to a large measure of freedom in foreign trade.

But the actual practice of nations is opposed to the principles laid down by the philosophers and accepted by nearly all serious students of the question. Germany adopted very restrictive measures under Bismarck in 1879 and by a recent law has discouraged trade still further. France, Italy, and other smaller nations of Europe have strong protective tariffs. The United States has followed a restrictive policy for the last century almost unvaryingly. The explanation of this contradiction is not entirely simple. Free trade is not the most desirable thing for every one. Great interests are affected by foreign trade and certain of these interests are able to dominate legislation. The general proposition of free trade between nations, as advocated by most economists since Adam Smith, is rejected by a majority of the people, by the politicians, and by the legislators.

CHAPTER 51

THE PROTECTIVE TARIFF

-- I. THE NATURE AND CLAIMS OF PROTECTION

[Sidenote: Nature of a tariff for revenue]

1. _A protective tariff is a schedule of import duties so arranged as to give appreciably more favorable conditions to some domestic industries than they would enjoy with free trade._ Tariff duties were first laid to get revenues for the government. The first effect of the tariff is the same as that of any tax that enters as a new factor into enterpriser's cost--the domestic price of the taxed article tends to rise. Other results then follow. If the article cannot be produced within the country (as oranges, spices, and coffee, in England, Norway, and Sweden), its consumption is reduced. The lessening of demand may affect somewhat the price in the producing country and may compel the foreign producers to sell each unit for less than before. As such a tariff does not increase home production, it is for revenue, not for protection.